“What is soft power made in Germany?” asks the CEO of the Goethe-Institut in its latest editorial. It’s an apt question, given the institution’s self-proclaimed mission to send a “message of resilience in less liberal societies.”
But for an organisation so invested in the ‘liberal’ ideals of peace and security, its silence on Gaza speaks volumes. The Goethe-Institut gestures vaguely toward “war” and “upheaval” in the Middle East, yet the live-streamed atrocity in which Germany is directly complicit is, apparently, not a dark enough chapter to confront.
On 10 October 2023, the Goethe-Institut published a statement condemning the "inhumane Hamas attacks," calling for the unconditional release of the hostages and affirming its solidarity with Israel.
I worked for the Goethe-Institut in Lebanon from 2023 until June 2025. In one of the first crisis meetings shortly after 7 October, we discussed the implications the events might have on our work. Someone raised the question of the institute’s support for Israel and what would be expected of employees. A perplexed management was genuinely unable to guarantee protection for private social media activity if it was deemed to “cross the red lines”. What these were was not spelt out.
This discussion took place before the bombing of the Al-Ahli hospital. I mention this date because, back then, I still held the foolish belief that there existed a point of overreach — when Israel’s sadism and cruelty would become undeniable. Even for liberals. Even for Germans.
In 2025, we know that no sadism is enough. Two consecutive years of genocide: charred bodies, raped prisoners, dismembered children, bombed hospitals, tents, mosques and universities, amputations without anaesthetics, starving families, explosive robots, complete obliteration. Still, German institutions stand firm in their support of the genocidal entity.
On 18 October 2023, the day after the first hospital bombing, I did not go to work. As the genocide started to unfold in those early weeks, I was advised to seek psychological counselling because “clearly this [Gaza] is what is bothering you.” But what was bothering me was that it was not bothering them.
During an all-staff meeting in January 2024, I asked the regional director why an organisation claiming to promote cultural understanding and education was not making any statement against the genocide in Gaza. I was flatly told that the Goethe-Institut is not a political organisation. I asked why, then, it had issued a statement in support of Israel after October 7. “Good point”, was the reply I received.
Ironic that two years later, when they no longer bother to pretend, the CEO willingly describes the institution as a soft power tool in the “interplay of politics and culture”. On that occasion, there were two other interventions: one person stated that this was work and should not be mixed with politics; the other praised institutions maintaining neutrality in conflicts. The majority remained silent.
Later that month, employees of the institute in Amman initiated an effort to mobilise across the region. In line with liberal best practice, the organisers had requested approval from management before reaching out and politely asked whether they were allowed to exclude the institute in Israel from participation. This compliance-seeking behaviour would turn out to be all-pervasive. As a result, the initial push never turned into anything concrete. No one who held a mid- to higher-management position ever attended; others were either too fearful of repercussions or too opportunistic to risk missing the next step on the career ladder.
I left the group after realising with immense frustration that nothing more than rage on a leash was being practised: members insisted on using all the proper channels, of course, creating as little disruption as possible. My demand to reject any connection and cooperation with institutions in Israel was immediately dismissed under the banner of “it’s never going to happen”.
In August 2024, a company-wide internal update on the “situation in Israel/Palestine” sparked a debacle. I commented on the post with a list of resources on the genocide; a couple of other colleagues from Palestine and Jordan doubled down, and Zionist feelings were hurt.
The anonymous Internal Communication team stepped in, finger-wagging, urging everyone to respect colleagues with differing opinions. They stated: “The term genocide is complex and controversial. South Africa accused Israel of genocide at the ICJ, but Israel categorically denies this accusation. The ICJ is currently investigating. A verdict has not yet been reached. The Goethe-Institut does not use the term genocide in their official communication.”
On 16 September 2025, when the UN published its findings affirming Israel’s genocide in Gaza — the last of many international bodies to do so — I remembered that reprimand, its sheer arrogance and contempt.
When Israel started bombing Beirut in September 2024, I incidentally ended up on a call with the then director of the institute in Ramallah. She lamented the situation: “If only one could do something”. I told her she very well could — by refusing cooperation with Israel. Such an option seemed illogical to her: the institute’s presence in Tel Aviv was necessary to amplify dissenting voices in Israel!
And right here lies the purpose of the liberal buffer zone: they lend cover to the false narrative of the other Israel to block any material effort to dismantle this unredeemable entity. There is no political thought, no historical analysis — merely the shallow claim that the government does not represent society. Only, it does. The genocide would not have been possible without wide support from all segments of Israeli society.
Earlier this year, I refused to attend a regional online conference because Tel Aviv was present. I was immediately admonished on the grounds that I could not refuse to participate in meetings for personal or political reasons. It further stated that my contract was soon to expire and if my tasks weren’t fulfilled, there would be little chance of keeping me on. “May I want to reconsider my participation now?” I did not. Two months later I was unemployed.
What I struggled with most during this time was isolation. Every day I sat at a desk in an institution where the genocide simply didn’t exist, and I was the lunatic ruining the party. Learned helplessness, economic dependence, and indifference all played a role.
But it is deeper than that. The liberal management elite will never stray from the official script they’ve been given: Israel must be defended at all costs. Some of them truly believe it; others are unwilling to renounce the benefits that come with subservience. Either way, accountability can’t come soon enough. And hopefully, this time, we won’t allow them to rehabilitate themselves.
Eleonora Pennini is a writer based in Beirut. She previously worked at the Wiener Holocaust Library in London before moving to Palestine, where she taught English and German from 2016 to 2022.
Follow Eleonora on Instagram: @eleonora_pennini
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