Syria needs Europe, but Europe also needs Syria

Syria’s participation by President Ahmed Al-Sharaa in the European summit recently held in Cyprus marked an important milestone on the path toward building a new partnership with the European Union and Mediterranean Middle Eastern states.

From the summit title, “Saving the Summer”, it becomes clear that the war on Iran was what shaped it. This is evidenced by the fact that energy security was the first item on the agenda, with the understanding that Syria could become a land bridge between Europe and the opposite shore of the Mediterranean Sea, the Gulf, Iraq and Jordan.

According to Arab and international media reports, discussions at the summit focused on unifying European policies to mitigate the crisis’s impact on prices and supplies, diversifying energy sources, and avoiding a “catastrophic summer” economically, alongside other international issues such as collective security.

Syria’s growing role

Al-Sharaa’s presence alongside Egyptian President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi, Lebanese President Joseph Aoun, Jordan’s Crown Prince Hussein bin Abdullah, and Gulf Cooperation Council Secretary-General Jasem al-Budaiwi comes amid European Union interest in stabilising its southern neighbourhood.

Europe no longer views Syria solely as a humanitarian file but as a strategic one. This means it seeks not only calm but also economic, political and security stability.

This shift is linked to several factors, including Syria’s geo-strategic location at the heart of the Middle East, qualifying it as a connectivity point between multiple countries and regions. It is also a central actor in the conflict since the establishment of Israel, whose security the EU prioritises, as well as its proximity to Lebanon, Iraq and Jordan.

Syria was also an ally of Iran for more than four decades. It has now moved out of that axis, becoming an independent actor with influence in regional security, and is expected to play a role in European concerns such as migration, refugees, regional security, terrorism and energy security, particularly amid the search for alternatives to the Strait of Hormuz.

It is known that the summit was preceded by statements presenting Syria as a potential energy corridor, explaining the particular attention it received compared with other states. The first to raise the issue was US special envoy for Syria Tom Barrack, who said, "Alternatives to the Strait of Hormuz must be found… Syria can play a role through pipelines.”

In a later clarification, he did not present Syria as a complete alternative but as part of a solution to the energy crisis.

Western reports then followed, discussing plans to turn Syria into an energy corridor linking the Gulf, Turkey and Europe – the so-called “Four Seas” concept.

This coincided with Iraqi oil shipments transiting Syria from Kirkuk fields to the coastal city of Baniyas, which hosts a refinery and oil export port. This opens the door to partial alternative energy transit routes and the reopening of border crossings to enhance commercial and oil transport away from Hormuz.

The moment reflects rapid adaptation to exceptional conditions: Iraq seeks an outlet, Syria seeks a role, and within intersecting interests, a new regional arrangement is being shaped.

Given that Kirkuk is linked to Baniyas via an oil pipeline dating back to the 1950s, history appears to be repeating itself, bypassing political disputes that cut the artery in 2003.

Work is underway to shift from transporting Iraqi oil by trucks as a temporary solution to rehabilitating the pipeline, which has a capacity of 800,000 barrels per day.

Al-Sharaa, in his remarks at the summit, also presented Syria as an energy corridor, saying: “Syria is an alternative artery for energy supply security.”

He called for strengthening cooperation and linking Syria with Europe.

Observing circles saw this as a political and economic offer under the framework that “Europe needs Syria as much as Syria needs Europe”.

From this perspective, Al-Sharaa’s request reflects an aspiration for sanctions relief, investment inflows, and the transformation of post-Assad political recognition into a structured partnership based on reciprocal commitments, rather than viewing Syria primarily as a source of crisis and refugees.

This is reflected in adjustments to summit invitations, initially expected to include countries from the “Mediterranean Charter Initiative” before being reduced in line with shifting priorities, on the basis that the Middle East is a direct neighbour of the EU and its security is therefore structurally linked, particularly in migration, energy and regional stability.

On the other side, European media circles view Al-Sharaa’s invitation as evidence of broader European interest beyond the refugee file.

Germany, which carries the largest share of the burden after receiving nearly one million Syrians who fled the war, has seen many of them acquire citizenship, while a large portion remain legally resident and integrated into the labour market. Others remain in a transitional situation between permanent residency and return.

This issue was a key item during Al-Sharaa’s visit to Berlin last month, where discussions focused on finding a solution acceptable to all parties.

Launching political dialogue with Syria is seen as an indicator of a European shift toward integrating it into EU partnership mechanisms and neighbourhood protocols.

This is driven by recognition of Syria’s regional role, similar to neighbouring Middle Eastern states such as Egypt, Lebanon and Jordan, where relations are governed by European commitments to support stability and development.

However, dialogue with Syria has taken place without promises of investment or full sanctions lifting. Syria is therefore expected to remain under European assessment for a defined period, without a fixed accession framework like EU candidate states, but rather a set of benchmarks combining mutual interests with conditions related to openness, human rights and market economy principles.

The central question is what obstacles and common ground exist between both sides. The answer lies in what Al-Sharaa seeks from Europe and what Europe seeks from Syria.

Stability remains the meeting point. It extends beyond security, counterterrorism and migration control to include politics and economics.

Regardless of the summit outcomes and recognition of Syria’s role and Al-Sharaa’s authority, what has occurred does not yet represent a fundamental transformation, but rather the beginning of a testing phase.

Europe seeks assurance that the “new Syria” can move forward without major shocks, as seen in coastal and Suwaidi developments.

Syria, meanwhile, awaits tangible European steps in investment and assistance capable of altering current conditions, where the vast majority of Syrians live below the poverty line. 

This poses risks not only for Syria but also for its regional and Mediterranean neighbourhood, as the country remains vulnerable to economic instability, requiring support to overcome a difficult phase and achieve self-reliance.

Obstacles facing Syria’s development

Syria’s main challenges include low purchasing power, lack of basic services such as electricity, clean water and healthcare, and the scale of destruction requiring reconstruction.

This file remains largely stalled, with vast urban areas still affected, including towns around Damascus such as Douma, Daraya and Jobar. This requires significant international and regional support.

The second challenge is refugees. While nearly two million have returned after the fall of the former government from Turkey, Lebanon and Jordan, more than one million remain in Europe, alongside a similar number in internal displacement camps, awaiting reconstruction to return home.

Another key obstacle is securing stability across Syrian territory, as large areas remain outside state control, including Suwaidi. Turkish forces have also not withdrawn from north-western Syria, a situation viewed in Europe as undermining Syrian sovereignty.

In addition, counterterrorism remains central, with the Islamic State still considered a threat through sleeper cells in the desert and eastern regions.

One of the most contentious issues is political stability, a prerequisite for full relations between Syria and the EU. Without a series of steps, Damascus will remain under assessment.

From a European perspective, developments since Assad’s removal are viewed as crisis management, while what is expected is a transition toward resolution.

This requires institutional stability based on clear laws and a gradual political framework grounded in participation and openness. This would create conditions for refugee return, investment and partnerships.

Calm alone is not sufficient; it is only a gateway to stability, and this is where the challenge lies.

Article translated from Arabic by Afrah Almatwari. To read the original, click here.

Bashir Al-Bakr is a Syrian writer and poet from The New Arab family and a former editor-in-chief.  

Follow Bashir on X: @BasheerAlBaker

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Opinions expressed in this article remain those of the author and do not necessarily represent those of The New Arab, its editorial board or staff.