By seeing Gaza children as such, Italy has rehumanised Palestine

By seeing Gaza children as children, Italians have re-humanised Palestinians
6 min read

Randa Ghazy

10 October, 2025
Italy’s pro-Palestinian wave—from dock strikes to viral outrage—shows conscience is alive. But where was this action over the past 2 years? writes Randa Ghazy.
Protesters stand on the monument to St. Francis of Assisi in Rome, Italy on October 4, 2025, as part of nationwide pro-Palestinian demonstrations following Israel's interception of the Global Sumud aid flotilla to Gaza, after a general strike. [GETTY]

“Define children.” These chilling words, said by the president of the Friends of Israel Federation, Eyal Mizrahi, during an exchange that was broadcast on Italy’s È sempre Cartabianca, recently went viral.

This followed comedian Enzo Iacchetti asking, “were the 50,000 Palestinians killed Hamas terrorists? And the children? Did they have Kalashnikovs?” after Mizrahi claimed that 20,000 to 22,000 of Palestinians killed during the genocide, were Hamas fighters.

“Define children” became a rallying cry across social media platforms in Italy, with posts often paired with images of Palestinian children killed in Gaza. It revealed the extent to which Palestinians have been dehumanised to justify their oppression.

Until recently, few would have expected Iacchetti—best known for hosting a satirical show—to become a symbol of pro-Palestinian activism. But with many political leaders in Italy failing to reflect public outrage or uphold constitutional values, artists and comedians have stepped up.

Mass action

Alongside this moment, several catalysts ignited the wave of activism in solidarity with Palestine that has taken place across Italy. At the end of September, dockworkers in the Italian port of Genoa called to block shipments of goods to Israel in case of an attack against the global Sumud Flotilla.

The mission, carrying over 40 Italians, faced derision from the Italian government and was abandoned by Italian and Spanish naval escorts as it neared the ‘risk zone’. This is where the Israeli navy had previously intercepted humanitarian missions, even killing 10 Turkish activists on a similar mission in 2010.

As expected, the Sumud flotilla was intercepted, hundreds were detained, and Israel’s National Security Minister, Itamar Ben Gvir, mocked the activists publicly, labelling them “terrorists.”

In response, thousands spontaneously protested in cities across Italy—Milan, Rome, Turin, Naples, alongside cities around the world. And, on 3 October, Italy witnessed one of its largest pro-Palestinian mobilisations in decades, with over 2 million people participating in general strikes.

Meanwhile, some Italian media began shifting their tone, questioning previously unchallenged Israeli narratives.

Despite official condemnations of the drone strike on the flotilla in Tunis in September, which we now know was approved by Netanyahu, Italian Prime Minister Georgia Meloni called the mission “irresponsible” and dismissed the nationwide strike as an excuse for a long weekend.

Yet the deeper truth is that Meloni’s government—like many across Europe—has actively supported Israel: abstaining in votes against ceasefire resolutions at the UN General Assembly and voting against the suspension of the EU-Israel Association Agreement, continuing arms sales, and even protecting Israeli soldiers vacationing in Italy.

Now, Meloni has been reported to the International Criminal Court (ICC) on charges of complicity in genocide committed in the Gaza Strip, alongside Italy’s defence and foreign ministers.

The plight of prisoners

The flotilla may not have broken the blockade, but those who have been involved and movements that have supported them still see it as a success.

Indeed, it helped expose the brutal reality of the occupation, awakened civic conscience, and shifted activism from social media into the streets.

 

Accounts from released Italian activists further challenged the myth of Israel as “the only democracy in the Middle East.” They described degrading treatment—especially against environmental activist Greta Thunberg, who was allegedly forced to pose with an Israeli flag, held in bedbug-infested cells, and denied basic necessities.

Israel denied the claims, but for those familiar with its detention practices, the accusations rang true.

Italian journalist Lorenzo D’Agostino, upon release spoke about how he felt he was “in a truly barbaric place.” This is all too familiar for the over 3,000 Palestinians held in administrative detention—without charge or trial.

Only a few days ago, Ahmed Khdeirat, a 22-year-old Palestinian died in detention after a lengthy battle against severe medical neglect, becoming the 78th identified prisoner to die in Israeli custody over the past two years. He had been held in administrative detention for nearly 18 months.

Testimonies from released Palestinians have detailed widespread abuse: beatings, sexual violence, medical neglect, and in the worst cases, death.

The BBC even reported in April about five Palestinian detainees who had been released to Gaza. All of them described being stripped, blindfolded, cuffed and beaten; some said they were given electric shocks, menaced by dogs, and denied access to medical care.

One man said he witnessed sexual abuse, and another reported being attacked with chemicals and set alight.

Children have faced particularly harrowing abuse. Reports by Save the Children and others describe hunger, disease, beatings, and sexual violence against Palestinian minors—long before and after October 7.

Already in July 2023, the child rights organisation spoke to former child detainees who reported violence of a sexual nature, while many others were beaten, handcuffed and blindfolded in small cages in detention centres and upon being moved between centres.

A year later, a new study found that conditions had significantly worsened, with Palestinian children in Israeli-run prisons facing increasing hunger and abuse, and contagious diseases such as scabies on the rise.

Selective outrage

Certainly, for many Europeans who witnessed their fellow citizens endure similar mistreatment at the hands of Israel, this sparked a new awareness.

Nevertheless, some question the timing: why is the outrage happening now? Why did widespread protests only begin when white Europeans were harmed? Where was this energy during the two years of mass killing in Gaza?

Even the order of detainee releases revealed an uncomfortable hierarchy. European lawmakers and white activists were freed first; Global South activists from countries like Nigeria, Morocco and South Africa—including Nelson Mandela’s grandson—were among the last.

Some North Africans reportedly faced harsher treatment, and only few of their governments issued strong condemnations. Western nations like the UK and the US also failed to protect their detained citizens.

This moment has laid bare the vast disconnect between governments and civil society. The framing of this as a “conflict” no longer holds. Citizens are increasingly aware of the asymmetry, and many are refusing to play along.

Palestinians have long known the betrayal of the so-called “rules-based international order.” But as Western citizens now face shrinking democratic space and repression at home, they are beginning to understand the double standards that underpin global power structures.

Speaking out for Palestine today is not just about solidarity—it’s about defending the very conscience of the West, and starting to decolonise its gaze.

Randa Ghazy is an Italian Egyptian journalist and writer based in London. She has published several books with Italian publisher Rizzoli, including "Dreaming of Palestine" at the age of 15, which has been translated into 16 languages. She has worked as a TV producer at Pan-Arab network Al Araby TV, and led the Gaza media response at Save the Children International, where she held the role of Middle East, North Africa and Eastern Europe Media Manager.

Follow Randa on X: @ghazy_r on Instagram: @randa_ghazy

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Opinions expressed in this article remain those of the author and do not necessarily represent those of The New Arab, its editorial board or staff.