Hands off Haiti: History reminds us of the dangers of foreign 'intervention'

Hands off Haiti: History reminds us of the dangers of foreign 'intervention'
As Haiti's political instability escalates, Western powers stand ready to intervene once again in blatant disregard of the people's wishes. But Haiti has a rich history of resisting foreign invasions, writes Richard Sudan.
6 min read
02 Nov, 2022
Demonstrators carry a coffin covered with American, Canadian and French flags as they protest against foreign intervention and the government in Port-au-Prince, Haiti on 17 October 2022. [Getty]

Western powers have never forgiven Haiti for having the audacity to defeat, smash, and kick out white supremacist enslavers from the island. The Haitian Revolution, which was completed by 1804, remains the only successful slave rebellion of its kind in human history. Haiti was the first black republic outside of Africa.

Although this history should surely be a cause for celebration and priority reading in schools, the Haitian uprising is barely mentioned in mainstream Eurocentric history books. This is not an accident and is unsurprising, but is nonetheless remarkable when considering that Haiti rose up against almost impossible odds to snatch freedom from the hands of barbaric oppressors.

Following the start of the uprising in the late 18th century, in what was then known as Saint-Domingue, Haitian fighters were able to defeat the European superpowers of Spain, Britain and France to successfully complete the revolution. The final victory of 1804 gives Haiti the proud status of being the first nation to outlaw slavery entirely.

The tale is like a movie script: ultimate triumph in the face of indescribable subjugation. For all of the weaponry, cruelty and manpower Europe could muster, it proved no match for Africans fortified with deep conviction, which was grounded in the African spiritual system and tradition of Vodou.

"Colonisers feared the kind of precedent the Haitian Revolution might provide for future uprisings against racism, which explains why the story of the Haitian Revolution remains largely buried"

Europeans had weapons, but Africans in Haiti used their knowledge of plants, botany, herbs and the land to gain advantages over the occupiers. Such belief systems and spiritual practices were so instrumental in the Haitian Revolution that Vodou (or Voodoo) to this day remains feared and negatively represented in the West.

Western fear of Voodoo has continued ever since the revolution of 1804, evidenced by the many negative portrayals of Voodoo in Hollywood and popular culture. Similarly, Hollywood’s well-known obsession with zombies is rooted in the same spiritual beliefs that underpinned the revolution.

Colonisers feared the kind of precedent the Haitian Revolution might provide for future uprisings against racism, which explains why the story of the Haitian Revolution remains largely buried. Such fear also explains the deliberate misrepresentations of the African beliefs which produced the revolution.

Now, in 2022, Haiti faces a different battle. There have been many attempts over the years to recolonise the island, and recently the war drums have been beating once more.

After the assassination of the previous Haitian president, Jovenel Moïse, Haiti’s political crisis escalated.

President Ariel Henry, an unelected leader who rose to power with the blessing of the US following Moïse’s killing, last month requested military intervention from foreign powers. In response, Haitians have taken to the streets to make their opposition to any military intervention clear, and discredit Henry’s legitimacy while calling for his resignation.

It’s a familiar neo-colonial tune: there’s instability in Haiti, goes the narrative, and it’s up to the American and European saviours to send their armed forces to rescue the chaotic black Haitians. 

While greenlight clearance by the UN Security Council remains doubtful, the US refraining from embarking on another a foreign military invasion on the basis of observing international law would be a first of its kind.

In any case, the claims made by the US cannot be taken at face value. Firstly, if the US is so concerned about Haitians, why did the government deport thousands of Haitians in a matter of days earlier this year, while offering to take in 100,000 Ukrainian refugees?

In addition, the US is accused of contributing to the very conditions of instability in Haiti which are now being used as a justification for a military invasion. There are also claims that the US played a significant role in the assassination of former president Moïse.

President Joe Biden caring for Haitians is in of itself a dubious prospect. Not only did his government deport thousands of Haitians back to a country with deep instability, but his past comments also cast doubt on his sincerity.

Some are suggesting that the groundwork might be being laid for Canada to lead a US-backed military operation, supposedly to support Haiti’s government security forces. This is despite the fact that thousands of Haitians are protesting against yet another US military intervention, arguing that the request from the Haitian government for military support is not something they want.

If Biden’s newfound concern for Haitians raises alarm bells, then it’s worth reminding ourselves that Canada is led by a man, Justin Trudeau, who as an adult has worn blackface on multiple occasions (he won’t confirm how many) despite blackface being a deeply offensive gesture with an extremely violent history associated with it. Haitians do not want or need this kind of ‘liberal’ intervention.

"Haiti is a country rich with vast untapped natural resources, including gold and natural gas reserves. Might this be an unspoken motivating factor behind the United States’ sudden interest in Haiti?"

The case against foreign military intervention is clear, but so too is the case against any future presence of so-called UN ‘peacekeepers’ in Haiti. They have a long history of abuse, with many reports and testimonies reporting on alleged sexual abuse and exploitation of Haitians by peacekeepers. Rarely have any of those involved in serious allegations of abuse been held to account despite the evidence.

Finally, we have to talk about the unspoken elephant in the room, which mainstream media seem content to ignore.

Haiti is a country rich with vast untapped natural resources, including gold and natural gas reserves. Might this be an unspoken motivating factor behind the United States’ sudden interest in Haiti?

Haiti is in crisis and has been for many years. But let’s not forget that a large part of the reason for this instability can be traced back to Western powers meddling in their domestic affairs.

Haiti never recovered from the debt imposed by the French, who forced the newly-independent Haiti to pay reparations to them for freedom under threat of re-enslavement. This is the reason why Haiti went from being one the most profitable nations in the world to the poorest in the Western hemisphere. The forced debt of around 150 million francs was the price the Haitians had to pay the French to avoid recolonization, which took until the 1940s to ‘repay’. 

Haitians know full well that nothing good has ever come from foreign powers exerting influence on the island.

We cannot blindly accept the justifications being tabled by the United States and its allies when it comes to the so-called case for intervening in Haiti. We are on the cusp of seeing a major push, in one form or another, for military boots on the ground in Haiti.

History teaches us that this must be avoided at all costs. The Haitians have fought off foreign powers in the past, effectively and with very good reason. Their history must not only be learned from, but also respected.

Richard Sudan is a journalist and writer specialising in anti-racism and has reported on various human rights issues from around the world. His writing has been published by The Guardian, Independent, The Voice and many others.

Follow him on Twitter: Follow him on Twitter: @richardsudan

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Opinions expressed in this article remain those of the author and do not necessarily represent those of The New Arab, its editorial board or staff.