Who is Samir Hulileh, the Palestinian businessman Israel wants as 'Gaza governor'?

In the tangled web of regional and international manoeuvres over what Gaza will be after Israel's genocidal war, one name has suddenly shot to the forefront of political speculation: Samir Hulileh.

For days, his profile has dominated headlines and social media in Palestinian circles, not for his past economic roles, but for his potential future as the man some countries reportedly want to govern Gaza once Israeli bombs stop falling.

The controversy began when Israel's Yedioth Aharonoth published a report describing behind-the-scenes talks to install Hulileh as "governor" of Gaza after the war, in a plan allegedly backed by Arab, Israeli, and American actors, with the Palestinian Authority's awareness.

The idea, according to the leak, had enough traction to warrant "serious discussion." Within hours, the name Hulileh had become shorthand for a deeper fear among Palestinians: that foreign states are trying to handpick Gaza's next leader.

Hulileh, 67, did not deny the story outright. Speaking to Palestinian radio station Ajyal, he confirmed that a Canadian intermediary working with the US administration had approached him to discuss leading Gaza's administration after the war.

He said he had spoken with Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas "several times" about the idea, and insisted that any role he accepted would be contingent on the Palestinian Authority's official approval. But the reassurance backfired.

In response, the official Palestinian news agency, WAFA, issued an unusually sharp statement on behalf of the Palestinian presidency, denying any involvement in such plans.

It accused Hulileh of "lies" and of attempting to implicate the Palestinian leadership in what it described as an Israeli scheme to sever Gaza from the occupied West Bank; a red line for most Palestinians.

From academia to the boardroom

Born in Jericho in 1957, Hulileh graduated from Birzeit University in sociology and Middle East studies in 1981, then earned a master's degree in economics from the American University of Beirut in 1983. He began his career in academia, eventually serving as Dean of Student Affairs at Birzeit.

The Oslo years brought him into Palestinian political and economic negotiations, and by the 2000s, he had served as Assistant Undersecretary at the Ministry of Economy, Secretary-General of the Palestinian Government, and head of the Palestinian Institute for Economic Policy Research. He later became CEO of PADICO Holding and chaired the Palestine Stock Exchange until March 2024.

Hulileh's network spans high-level political and business circles. One of his most notable associates is Palestinian-American billionaire Bashar al-Masri, the developer behind Rawabi City, whose ties with the US have positioned him as a key player in development projects in the occupied West Bank.

That same web of connections is now being viewed through a different lens as potential leverage in Gaza's reconstruction and future governance.

Israeli media have reported that the lobbying effort for Hulileh's appointment is being led by Ari Ben-Menashe, an Iranian-born former Israeli intelligence officer linked to the 1980s Iran-Contra affair. Now based in Canada, Ben-Menashe has built a career advising controversial governments from Zimbabwe to Myanmar.

According to the Israeli outlets, documents filed with the US Department of Justice show that Ben-Menashe registered as a lobbyist for Hulileh months ago, aiming to secure Washington's support for his appointment.

The documents outline a sweeping proposal: deploying American and Arab forces in Gaza, granting the coastal enclave a special UN-recognised status, leasing parts of Sinai for port and airport facilities, and granting gas exploration rights off Gaza's coast.

Ben-Menashe told Israeli investigative site Shomrim that the plan "is not just a political deal, but something good for the Jews," claiming Egypt and Saudi Arabia would serve as guarantors.

Rejection and deep mistrust

The Palestinian Authority swiftly dismissed the notion of any appointed governor operating outside the formal government structure.

"Gaza is an inseparable part of the Palestinian territories," a senior official told WAFA, warning against "departing from the national line."

Hamas took a harder line. A senior official in the movement, speaking anonymously, told The New Arab that "this proposal is part of attempts to impose international and regional guardianship over the Strip. It is completely unacceptable. The Palestinian people have sacrificed enormously for their freedom, and they will not accept a ruler imposed from outside."

He said that such projects "serve the occupation's agendas and deepen internal division, stressing that Gaza's administration should be decided through national consensus and free elections, not deals cut in foreign capitals."

Palestinian political analyst from Ramallah Samer Anabtawi warns of "the strategic danger" behind regional and international schemes for Gaza's future.

"The people of Gaza are not in need of foreign guardianship or appointed leaders," he told TNA, stressing that Gaza has political and intellectual figures capable of running its affairs through popular will and free elections.

For Firas Yaghi, another political analyst, any plan to administer Gaza separately from the occupied West Bank is "a strategic threat" that serves Israel's goals.

He described current proposals from Washington, Tel Aviv, and certain regional powers to test reactions and impose new facts on the ground, including exploiting Gaza's resources, particularly its gas, and reviving projects like Donald Trump's "Gaza Riviera."

Among Palestinians in Gaza, opinion is also sharply divided.

For 32-year-old Mohammed Abdel Aal, the humanitarian catastrophe outweighs political symbolism. "People are starving, children are dying. If someone can bring in aid and rebuild quickly, I don't care if the Americans or anyone else supports him. The priority now is survival, not ideology," he told TNA.

But for Mona al-Shanti, a 45-year-old teacher from Gaza City, the danger is clear. "Every time foreigners have intervened in our politics, we have paid the price. Letting someone be chosen in Tel Aviv or Washington is an insult to our sacrifices. We must choose our own leaders."

This divide, between immediate relief and long-term sovereignty, mirrors the broader Palestinian crisis, where exhaustion from war collides with deep-seated mistrust of outside agendas.

Post-war Gaza

The question of Gaza's post-war governance is one of the thorniest issues in regional talks, entangled with Israeli, American, Arab, and Palestinian interests.

The destruction of infrastructure, the collapse of basic services, and the staggering death toll, now exceeding 61,000 killed by Israel since October 2023, add urgency to the debate.

According to Israeli, Arab and international outlets, some scenarios involve a UN- and Arab League-backed transitional administration, others propose regional economic integration through projects like offshore gas development. But for many Palestinians, the real battle is over process: who decides, and under what authority.

Hulileh continues to frame himself as part of "Palestinian legitimacy," insisting he would never lead Gaza as a separate entity.

He claimed Hamas has already stated it will not participate in post-war governance, which leaves space for "independent" administration under the Palestinian umbrella.

But even he admits that the plan hinges on the "blessing" of Washington, Cairo, and Riyadh and ultimately, the Palestinian Authority.

In a political landscape where every name is a proxy for larger power struggles, Samir Hulileh has become more than just a businessman. He is a symbol of the collision between Gaza's urgent need for relief and the enduring Palestinian struggle for self-determination—a reminder that the fight over "the day after" is already here, and it is as much about who gets to decide as it is about what is decided.