Is the UN helping or hindering a solution to the Libyan crisis?

On May 20, the United Nations Support Mission in Libya (UNSMIL) released the final report of its 20-member Advisory Committee, which was formed in February 2025 and composed of Libyan experts in law, elections, politics, and constitutional affairs.

According to UNSMIL, the report will be presented to the Libyan public for feedback through town hall meetings and social media to gauge support for one of four pathways proposed in the report, each with its own framework and preparatory phase.

Back in February, UN Undersecretary for Political Affairs Rosemary DiCarlo told the Security Council the committee’s role is to propose ways to remove “obstacles” to holding national elections.

However, the Security Council has neither issued a resolution nor a statement to provide the Committee with any political or legal cover.

Four proposals were put forward, with only slight variations among them.

The first calls for holding both legislative and presidential elections under a unified government, followed by the adoption of a permanent constitution, marking the endpoint of the transitional phase within a defined framework.

The second proposes a sequential process: legislative elections would be held first, with presidential elections following only after a constitution is adopted through a public referendum. This path also entails a transitional period of undefined length.

The third suggests reversing the order, beginning with the adoption of a permanent constitution and proceeding to elections thereafter.

Finally, the fourth, presented by the Advisory Committee as a fallback, recommends reverting to the Libyan dialogue mechanisms if all other options fail to resolve the crisis.

Each proposed roadmap carries potential for both success and failure. Notably, all four share two contentious elements: they call for the formation of a new executive authority and involve a transitional period before full implementation.

In all cases, the Advisory Committee’s recommendations are non-binding, and no Libyan political entity has yet endorsed the committee’s creation.

The four options carry no political or legal weight, giving UNSMIL freedom to reference them while drafting its own roadmap. Thus, the committee’s proposals may inform the roadmap’s form, structure, and stages, but do not obligate inclusion of any of the current four options.

A major criticism of all options is their reliance on discredited institutions, such as the Parliament (elected in 2014) and the Higher Council of State (elected in 2012).

Both have lost legitimacy, face corruption accusations, and are seen as obstructing Libya’s transition. Each Committee recommended roadmap ties progress to resolving current and potential legal disputes — disputes that have long blocked elections and denied Libyans their right to vote for their government and president.

The 'indispensable' UNSMIL

While UNSMIL stresses the importance of a Libyan-owned political process, it has become an indispensable mediator, despite accusations of lacking a clear vision to resolve the conflict.

Critics say UNSMIL manages the crisis without an intention to deliver a compromise that ends the status quo.

Milad Said, a lecturer at Bani Walid University, told The New Arab UNSMIL is “prolonging the crisis for no apparent reason other than lack of practical solutions.”

MP Musbah Douma from Southern Libya accused UNSMIL of bias, saying it “is not neutral and supports one side” without elaboration. The fact that 10 envoys have led UNSMIL since 2011 without decisive progress underscores these criticisms.

The release of the Advisory Committee’s report comes at a volatile moment. In recent weeks, the capital, Tripoli, has witnessed a surge in public demonstrations, with citizens expressing deep dissatisfaction with political stagnation, the lack of elections, and deteriorating living conditions.

The protests signal growing unrest and renewed public pressure on the ruling elite. The demands of protestors have been the downfall of all political bodies, including the Tripoli-based Government of National Unity, led by Abdul Hamid Dbeibah, the Higher Council of State, along with the Eastern-based Parliament and government, which is not recognised by the UN. 

Mr. Dbeibah has, so far, shown no intent of stepping aside despite repeated calls for a leadership transition. In response to last night’s largest anti-government protests in the capital, fewer than 100 of his supporters held a rally in which they condemned what they called “militias encroachment” while calling for all institutions to be replaced.

Without mentioning GNU or the PM by name, they directed their anger against Aqula Saleh and General Khalifa Haftar. Some of the demonstrators carried banners with pictures of both Haftar and Saleh, with their faces crossed out in red.

Misrata’s Municipal Council declined to provide direct comment, preferring instead to stand by its statement issued last week. In it, the council rejected any change to the current status quo except “through UNSMIL’s path,” and voiced support for the Advisory Committee’s recommendations outlined in the published report

Meanwhile, the House of Representatives is set to debate the 13 nominees for prime minister in the coming days, following its recent session in which it invited each candidate to present their manifesto to the chamber.

Against this backdrop, the Advisory Committee’s report risks being overshadowed or politicised. While it offers structured pathways toward elections, its recommendations may be rendered moot without genuine buy-in from Libya’s main power centres. The gap between formal processes and political realities continues to widen, and unless UNSMIL recalibrates its approach to reflect on-the-ground dynamics and public demands, the report may become yet another shelved initiative in Libya’s protracted transition.

Mustafa Fetouri is an award-winning Libyan journalist, columnist, author, and translator, with contributions to major outlets like Middle East Monitor, Al-Monitor, and Washington Report, and a focus on North Africa and the Sahel region

Follow him on X: @MFetouri