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Traitor, collaborator, gangster: Palestinians in Gaza are relieved Yasser Abu Shabab is dead
On Thursday, Yasser Abu Shabab, the controversial commander of the so-called "Popular Forces" militia in eastern Rafah, was killed during an armed confrontation between members of the Abu Seneima clan.
Abu Shabab's death instantly reverberated across the Gaza Strip, not simply as the end of a militia leader, but as a moment that exposed deep fractures in Gaza's social and political landscape amid the ongoing genocide by Israel.
His militia was the first to announce the news, portraying his killing as the death of a "field commander resolving a tribal dispute."
In a press statement, the militia vowed to continue "combating terrorism" and "protecting residents," which struck many Palestinians as unusually aligned with Israeli military vocabulary.
For their part, the Abu Seneima clan declared in a press statement that it had killed Abu Shabab while defending "its people and land," revealing that several of its members also died in the clashes.
Israeli media added another layer of confusion.
Israeli Army Radio described the killing as the result of an "internal militant dispute," while Channel 12 reported that Abu Shabab had been transported to an Israeli hospital before dying, a version that fit the clan's narrative but contradicted his militia's portrayal of a noble "social mission."
Hamas remained silent for hours before releasing a strongly worded statement branding him a "collaborator with the occupation" whose death represented "the inevitable fate of anyone who tampers with the security of his people."
It further accused Abu Shabab of leading "criminal gangs" outside the national consensus and praised his relatives, who had publicly disowned him.
The group also stressed that Israel had been relying on "outlaw gangs" to destabilise Gaza, emphasising that anyone who partners with the Israeli occupation "will end up in the dustbin of history."
Relief in Gaza
The impact of his killing was almost immediate. Across the Gaza Strip, residents celebrated in the streets. Mohammed Shalaila, a Gaza-based 44-year-old shopkeeper, had been following updates on his phone when the confirmation arrived.
"I swear I am not with Hamas or anyone, but this man terrified Gaza. His group in eastern Rafah acted like a state within a state. When he died, young men gave out sweets. Not out of revenge, out of relief," he told The New Arab.
"We are not with Hamas, but Abu Shabab was a disaster for the whole Strip. Just hearing about him was frightening. When he was killed, some houses distributed baklava. Calling him a traitor is an understatement," Mariam al-Dahdouh, another Gaza-based woman, told TNA.
Deir al-Balah city echoed the same mood as young men distributed sweets and cheered.
"Today we are rid of that shameless traitor [...] someone who played with the people, the occupation, and himself," Emad Nassar, a Deir al-Balah-based man, remarked to TNA.
Even those who frequently criticised Hamas welcomed his death. "Between bad and worse, Abu Shabab was the worst," said Youssef Abu Dabbour, 27. "At least with Hamas, we knew the limits. This guy moved unpredictably and was armed to the teeth."
Who is Yasser Abu Shabab?
Born on 19 December 1993, and a member of the Tarabin tribe, Abu Shabab spent years in Gaza's prisons for drug-related and theft offences.
Before the latest Israeli genocide, he was little known outside Rafah. But the collapse of Gaza's police and security services during the war created openings for new armed actors.
By early 2024, his group, later dubbed the "Popular Forces Mercenaries," claimed responsibility for protecting aid convoys entering through the Kerem Abu Salem crossing under the highly problematic and criticised US humanitarian initiative.
Yet accusations quickly mounted that his fighters were looting trucks and attacking drivers, sometimes "under the eyes of Israeli forces," according to residents.
The group's growing influence fuelled rumours of ISIS-style behaviour. By 2025, the nickname "Pablo Escobar of Gaza" had stuck, reflecting both the militia's criminal reputation and Gaza's deteriorating security order amid the genocide.
According to local and Israeli sources, his group eventually grew to roughly one hundred armed men, including former Palestinian security officers.
Abu Shabab exploited tensions between Hamas and several families in eastern Rafah to present himself as a "protector of residents from abuses."
Hamas accused him of working with Israel, a claim boosted by Israeli media leaks. The turning point came in June 2025, when Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu publicly admitted that Israel had supplied Abu Shabab's group with weapons to ensure the delivery of aid.
Even Israeli politician Avigdor Lieberman criticised the move, warning of the group's "possible ISIS links."
Isolation and death
Despite his tactical gains, Abu Shabab's social base remained extremely weak. His own family published a statement disowning him and calling for his elimination after accusations of collaboration intensified.
Hamas attempted to assassinate him at least once and executed one of his senior aides. Meanwhile, Israeli media suggested that Tel Aviv briefly considered granting him a local administrative role in Rafah, an idea that ultimately did not materialise.
International bodies also took notes. The UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs accused him of involvement in "organised theft" of aid.
By late 2025, his position had become a precarious balancing act, involving Israeli support, internal enemies, clan disputes, and growing public anger.
The confrontation with the Abu Seneima family, whose deeper causes remain unknown, brought that balance crashing down.
The killing of Yasser Abu Shabab has not resolved the controversies surrounding him. Instead, it sharpened the debate over the security fragmentation engulfing Gaza.
His rise was the product of collapsing central authority; his fall, delivered not by Hamas or Israel but by a local clan, underscores the extent to which social structures have overtaken formal political power.
Ahed Ferwana, a Gaza-based political analyst, told TNA that the killing of Abu Shabab will likely accelerate the collapse of his controversial group.
"The entire group was built around his personal authority, his tribal connections, and his ability to manoeuvre between different actors. With his death, the structure becomes fragile, leaderless, and highly exposed." Ferwana said. "What remains of the group will struggle to survive without its central figure, and most members will either disperse or seek protection from larger factions."