Hamas's plans to contest upcoming Palestinian elections as part of a broad national coalition have exposed sharp divisions among Palestinians regarding the movement's political future and the direction of the Palestinian political system.
Palestinians are grappling with the devastation caused by the Israeli genocidal war on Gaza, the longstanding split between Palestinian factions, and growing international pressure for political reform.
During an interview with Hamas-affiliated Al-Aqsa channel, Husam Badran, a senior Hamas official, announced that the movement "will participate in the elections within the broadest possible national coalition."
Badran said Hamas had begun contacting Palestinian factions about a month ago to form an electoral bloc representing the widest possible political spectrum.
He described the elections as an opportunity to "bring about change in the Palestinian situation and end the monopoly on Palestinian national decision-making," arguing that Hamas, which he described as deeply rooted in Palestinian society, should have a role in the political process.
Among the Palestinian public, the announcement has been met with sharply different views.
Some see Hamas's participation as a political right that should not be denied, while others fear its return to political institutions could bring renewed confrontation with Israel, international isolation and further suffering for Palestinians.
Between blame and fear
In Gaza, where nearly three years of the Israeli genocidal war have caused widespread destruction, displacement and death, attitudes towards Hamas's participation are closely tied to personal experiences and fears over what comes next.
"I am categorically opposed to Hamas taking part in the elections or returning to a position of political power," Ibrahim Jalal from al-Nuseirat refugee camp in central Gaza told The New Arab.
Ibrahim, who lost over 15 family members, his home, and his grocery store—his main income source—during the war, said Gaza's destruction is linked to Hamas's political and military choices, while also blaming Israel for what he called "great crimes" against Palestinians.
"Israel bears responsibility for its crimes and its war against us, but Hamas gave it the pretext it wanted without considering the fate of the people," Jalal said.
He argued that Hamas should not return to a position from which it could make major decisions affecting Palestinians, warning that continued political dominance by the movement could recreate conditions that contributed to the war.
Jalal argues that Gaza's priorities are now to end wars, rebuild homes and infrastructure, lift restrictions, and restore a normal life.
"People today do not need a struggle over political positions. They need security, reconstruction and a chance to live," he said.
Ahed Hamada, from Gaza City's al-Daraj neighbourhood, supports Hamas's right to participate in political life but does not want the movement to control the next government.
"A Hamas victory under current conditions could mean more wars, destruction, death and siege," he remarked to TNA, arguing that the international community still does not appear ready to accept Hamas as a governing party.
"I believe Hamas should reconsider this step, not because its popularity has declined, but because it needs to reassess its priorities and allow the people to rest after years of war," he said.
He suggested Hamas could remain a major political force without taking sole responsibility for government, allowing it to participate in political institutions while reducing the risks of another confrontation with Israel and the international community.
The next phase, he said, requires a "new Palestinian formula" that includes all factions while avoiding a repetition of the political isolation, blockade and wars of previous years.
West Bank fears and political calculations
In the occupied West Bank, opinions over Hamas's participation are also shaped by the potential response from Israel and the international community.
Sari Nubani, a resident of Nablus, opposed Hamas's participation, saying its entry into Palestinian political institutions could give Israel and other international actors further justification to increase pressure on Palestinians.
Nubani told TNA that Israel would not necessarily view a Hamas electoral victory as simply the outcome of a democratic process, but could instead treat it as a security threat, potentially leading to more raids, arrests and economic and political pressure.
"We are going through one of the most difficult political phases under growing Israeli power. It would be better if neither Hamas nor Fatah participated, because neither has provided a solution," he said.
"The Palestinians need new leaders capable of dealing with the challenges imposed by Israel," he added.
However, Samir al-Natsha, from Hebron, adopts a completely different view, arguing that excluding Hamas would not resolve the Palestinian political crisis but would only deepen the existing divide.
He criticised the Palestinian Authority for decades of political failure. "It failed to protect Palestinians or make progress on their national goals," he told TNA.
"What has the Authority done for us over the past decades? Nothing. It has continued security coordination with Israel, contributed to economic deterioration and failed to protect residents of the West Bank from Israeli violations," al-Natsha said.
He argued that elections without Hamas would not represent genuine political change, saying the ballot box should be the ultimate test of each faction's popular support rather than political or international pressure determining who is allowed to participate.
Governing
Gaza-based analyst Iyad Abdel Jawad said the main question is whether Palestinians, Israel and the international community would accept the results if Hamas makes significant gains.
"Hamas wants to remain part of the political system and avoid losing its influence, but participation is different from governing," he told TNA.
He said the outcome would depend on the electoral system, factional alliances and international positions, with the key challenge being to ensure all sides accept the results and prevent a return to division.
Excluding Hamas, meanwhile, could undermine the elections by leaving out one of the Palestinian political system's major forces.
The broader question, Abdel Jawad said, is whether Palestinian factions can accommodate their differences without allowing political competition to lead again to division and war.