'An unbelievable joke': For Lebanon's Tripoli, much love for Syria but with boundaries

Unsubstantiated reports in Israeli media of a plan to transfer Tripoli, the ancient Lebanese port city, to Syrian control have triggered a wave of indignation and mockery amongst its residents.

From the corniche to the narrow alleys of the old souk, where shopkeepers arrange their goods beneath centuries-old stone arches, the topic has become unavoidable.

At a weathered plastic table outside a small café, two men in their seventies sipped tea and read the morning headlines.

"Have you gotten your Syrian citizenship yet?" one asked, nodding toward the newspaper between them. The other chuckled. "I haven't finished all the paperwork, but they said they might not give it to seniors anyway."

The exchange, overheard by passers-by who smiled knowingly, reflects a city's instinctive response to yet another external attempt to determine its fate. But observers believe that the alleged deal exposed deep anxieties about Lebanese sovereignty, whilst highlighting the complex bonds between the country's second-largest city and its war-torn neighbour.

The controversy erupted in early July after i24 news, an Israeli media outlet, claimed to reveal details of a supposed Israeli-Syrian agreement regarding Tripoli's future, sparking fierce denials from Syrian and Lebanese officials who dismissed the reports as inflammatory speculation designed to destabilise the region.

The report was also amplified by comments from Thomas Barrack, US Ambassador to Turkey and Special Envoy for Syria, who suggested Lebanon faced an "existential threat" and could return to Greater Syria, or what he called "Bilad al-Sham," a historic term for Greater Syria, which covered modern-day Syria, Lebanon, Palestine, and Jordan, unless it addressed Hezbollah's weapons stockpiles.

Barak later clarified on social media that his remarks were meant to praise Syria's progress, and not threaten Lebanon.

Lebanese President Joseph Aoun swiftly rejected any such proposals, declaring that Lebanese territorial unity is "a national constant," enshrined by the constitution, protected by the Lebanese army, and fortified by the will of the Lebanese people.

Yet the reports have struck a particular chord in Tripoli, a predominantly Sunni Muslim city that shares deep historical, cultural, and familial ties with Syria. The city's residents have navigated this duality for generations, with more recently supporting Syria's revolution against Bashar al-Assad's regime while firmly rejecting any suggestion of political unification.

Mockery and defiance

Political activist Taima Samir dismissed the reports as lacking any official credibility, suggesting they were either designed to sow doubt about Tripoli residents' loyalty to Lebanon or to tarnish the image of Syria's new interim president, Ahmed al-Sharaa.

"All forces in Tripoli have emphasised their commitment to their Lebanese identity," she said, arguing that while family and historical ties between Lebanese and Syrian peoples remain strong, each maintains distinct historical identities rooted in their respective territories.

Ahmed Kabbara, a young resident of Tripoli, questioned the geographical logic of the proposal, asking how authorities could "strip northern Lebanon from the map" when Tripoli sits more than 50 kilometres from the Syrian border.

"What about Akkar, which is actually closer to the Syrian border? Would it also join Syria?" He wondered, noting that northern Lebanon includes diverse Lebanese communities, some of whom oppose Syria's new government.

"There isn't a single house in Tripoli that doesn't have family connections to Syria," said Muhammad Fatfat, a local resident whose mother is of Syrian origin. "The intermarriage between families is completely natural due to geographic proximity."

He noted that Tripoli was amongst the first cities to organise demonstrations supporting the Syrian revolution and welcomed refugees fleeing Assad's regime.

"But we cannot suddenly become Syrians," he added. "We have been Lebanese for decades and cannot abandon our identity."

The economic dimensions of the discussion have not escaped residents' notice. Jamil Qutub acknowledged that poverty might influence some opinions, noting that Tripoli ranks amongst the region's poorest cities despite possessing significant economic potential.

"The city couldn't be worse than it is today," he said, suggesting that desperation might lead some to consider Syrian annexation in hopes of better conditions.

Such sentiment reflects broader frustrations with Lebanon's prolonged economic crisis, though it appears to represent a minority view.

Journalist Ibrahim al-Ghareeb, a Tripoli native who witnessed firsthand the city's tumultuous relationship with Syrian authority, emphasised how the city's historical experience with Syrian control, particularly the 1983 massacres that claimed several of his relatives, generated lasting opposition to Syrian authority amongst many residents. His personal losses during that period shaped not only his own worldview but reflected the broader trauma experienced by many Tripoli families.

"Many of us grew up rejecting that regime, which drove Tripoli residents to show great sympathy for the Syrian revolution," al-Ghareeb said.

He participated in weekly demonstrations supporting the uprising and celebrated in Tripoli's streets when Assad's government fell.

"But none of this means I accept being annexed to Syria or becoming a citizen under Syrian guardianship, even if the regime has changed."

Unsubstantiated claims, swift official denials

According to the Israeli outlet's reporting, an unnamed source alleged that Syria's new leadership views the Sunni-majority port city as historically Syrian territory, describing Tripoli as amongst five regions detached from Syria under French colonial administration during the creation of the Lebanese state.

The purported arrangement would reportedly see Tripoli and its neighbouring Sunni-populated districts integrated into Syria as part of a broader regional deal. In return, the agreement would allegedly grant Israel permission to construct a water pipeline originating from the Euphrates River, forming part of a three-way water-sharing compact involving Turkey and Syria.

The same source further alleged that Syria's interim president Ahmed al-Sharaa had demonstrated receptiveness to regional cooperation and had established direct diplomatic channels with Israeli officials to coordinate security and military matters in Syria's southern territories.

The reporting suggested that securing the return of portions of the occupied Golan Heights, alongside other Syrian lands captured by Israel following Assad's downfall, represented a crucial component for garnering popular legitimacy for any peace framework. The source warned that failure to achieve territorial gains could trigger significant domestic opposition against al-Sharaa's administration.

The New Arab cannot confirm the veracity of the claims made by i24NEWS's sources.

The annexation reports emerge amid broader tensions between the two countries. Recent weeks have witnessed mounting friction between Damascus and Beirut over the repatriation of Syrian nationals held in Lebanese detention facilities, with Syria pressing for the swift return of approximately 2,000 prisoners, including hundreds of Islamist detainees and others facing terrorism-related convictions. Lebanese security officials report receiving communications through multiple diplomatic channels from Syrian authorities demanding immediate release, with Damascus indirectly signalling potential retaliatory measures including border closures and halting bilateral security cooperation. The dispute has sparked demonstrations along the Syrian-Lebanese frontier, where protesters denounce what they characterise as Lebanon's "unjust imprisonment" of Syrian citizens.

While Syrian government sources initially suggested diplomatic and economic pressure tactics were under consideration, Damascus has walked back such statements, with Information Ministry representatives emphasising their commitment to resolving the prisoner issue through established inter-governmental channels. Syrian officials have criticised Lebanon for allegedly delaying the return of roughly one-third of the detained population, expressing frustration given Lebanon's March announcement of its readiness to proceed with repatriation efforts. Any border restrictions would severely impact Lebanon's already weakened economy by disrupting commercial flows, adding to Beirut's concerns that Syrian demands may eventually extend beyond the repatriation of its own nationals.

Historical ties, economic desperation, and regional tensions

Former National Movement deputy leader Tawfiq Sultan—a key figure in the relationship between the late Progressive Socialist Party leader Kamal Jumblatt and former Syrian President Hafez al-Assad—firmly rejected the annexation proposal, calling it "an Israeli project that enjoys no popular support in Lebanon or Tripoli," despite his decades of intimate knowledge of Lebanese-Syrian political dynamics.

Sultan explained that while the Ottoman Empire historically administered the region as part of Greater Syria, this represented administrative divisions rather than national entities. When France partitioned the region after World War I and established Greater Lebanon, Tripoli was included due to its geographic and economic importance, particularly its port facilities serving inland areas.

"The idea that Tripoli's street might become a Syrian street is an unbelievable joke," Sultan said. "This proposal cannot be implemented. It might be used as a political pressure card, but Tripoli shed blood in the independence struggle against French colonialism and offered its youth for liberation."

This article is published in collaboration with Egab.