Iraqi Kurdish politics in paralysis after parliament dissolved

Months of political paralysis have crippled Iraq's Kurdistan Region following the October 2024 regional elections, leaving the newly elected parliament unable to form a government or elect a speaker.  The deepening rift between the Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP) and the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK)—the region's dominant factions—has prompted calls for dissolving the legislature and holding new elections in parallel with Iraq's vote set for 11 November.

On May 1, acting speaker Mohammed Sulaiman of the opposition New Generation Movement (NGM) declared the Kurdistan Parliament dissolved, citing its failure to meet constitutional deadlines. In a letter to President Nechirvan Barzani, Sulaiman urged a formal dissolution decree, arguing that the chamber failed to elect a leadership team within the 45-day limit required by Kurdish law.

The KDP and PUK rejected the move, calling it unilateral and lacking legal grounds. Yet, under Kurdish law, the president may dissolve parliament if it cannot achieve a quorum or fulfil its duties within 45 days of its first meeting. 

The chamber met briefly on December 3 but then adjourned indefinitely, with the KDP and PUK boycotting further sessions.

The 2024 elections saw a 72 percent turnout. The KDP won 39 seats, the PUK 23, and the remaining divided among smaller parties and minorities—reaffirming KDP-PUK dominance but exposing their worsening inability to govern.

Experts warn that the parliament has become legally defunct. "There is no legal basis for indefinite suspension," Farman Hassan, a Kurdish lawyer and political analyst, told The New Arab. "The parliament has effectively expired."

 Omar Gulpi, a lawmaker from the Kurdistan Justice Group opposition party (KJG), on Monday filed a case with Iraq's Supreme Federal Court to annul the 2024 election results.

"Our complaint challenges the paralysis of Kurdistan's highest constitutional body, which we believe no longer represents the people or fulfils its duties. We're asking the court to annul the election results and order new regional elections alongside Iraq's national vote," he told TNA, adding that the ongoing deadlock violates both Kurdish law and the Iraqi constitution.

He also said that he asked the court to order the return of five months’ worth of salaries paid to the lawmakers without performing any duties. 

Though Iraq’s top court cannot dissolve the regional parliament, it has intervened in Kurdish affairs before — notably, by annulling a 2018 extension of the Kurdistan Parliament’s term.

Fault lines between the KDP and PUK

Masrour Barzani’s caretaker cabinet is still in place, comprising the KDP, PUK, the Change Movement (Gorran), the Kurdistan Social Democratic Party (KSDP), and representatives of minority groups. Gorran, which collapsed from 12 seats in 2018 to just one in 2024, is battling internal divisions but still holds several ministries.

The KSDP, also split, retains the Ministry of Martyrs and Anfal Affairs. According to local media, the PUK would receive those ministries. 

The deadlock has exposed deepening divisions. Talks between Prime Minister Masrour Barzani (KDP) and PUK leader Bafel Talabani have yielded no breakthroughs. The PUK is demanding the presidency for Qubad Talabani, Bafel's brother and current deputy prime minister—a move rejected by the KDP, which argues it has the electoral mandate to retain the role.

Other contested portfolios include the powerful interior ministry and the Kurdistan Region Security Council.

Analysts suggest the PUK may leverage the crisis to retain influence over the Iraqi presidency in the upcoming federal elections.

The political vacuum has elevated the opposition's profile. The NGM, with 15 seats, has positioned itself as the chief opposition force. Other opposition groups—including the KJG, Kurdistan Islamic Union (7 seats), National Stance Movement (4 seats), and People’s Front (2 seats)—have all denounced the election results and accused the ruling parties of systemic fraud.
They argue that the decades-long KDP–PUK power-sharing system, modelled on Iraq's ethno-sectarian governance, is no longer tenable.

Regional dimensions

Regional players are also entangled in the crisis. The KDP, which controls Erbil and Duhok near the Turkish border, has close ties with Ankara and coordinates militarily against the PKK. The PUK, based in Sulaimaniyah and Halabja, maintains strategic relations with Iran, including collaboration on containing Iranian Kurdish opposition groups.

Observers say the KDP–PUK stand-off is an extension of the broader Ankara–Tehran rivalry, with both powers vying for greater influence in Iraqi Kurdish affairs.

The United States has also pushed for stability. Trump administration officials have urged the Kurdish parties to reach an agreement swiftly, particularly to resume oil exports to Turkey—nearly 450,000 barrels per day—in line with Washington’s goal of lowering global oil prices.

Despite longstanding disputes over the oil-rich and contested city of Kirkuk, the KDP and PUK are negotiating to run a unified list in the province for Iraq's upcoming November elections, signalling at least temporary electoral cooperation.

What next?

Though there are unconfirmed reports of progress toward a power-sharing agreement, no timeline has been set. Without a functioning parliament, no new regional president or prime minister can be selected, risking a prolonged constitutional vacuum.

Legal experts and political analysts agree that fresh elections are the most viable path forward—but only if political consensus can be reached.

"The current structure lacks legal foundation and public legitimacy," said Hassan. "If the parties delay again, the region could remain without a government for years. The fundamental question is whether power should be sustained through institutions or party control."