Iran's Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi has said the killing of senior officials, including Ali Larijani, will not deal a fatal blow to the country’s leadership, directly addressing the US and Israel over their strategy of targeted assassinations.
"I do not know why the Americans and the Israelis still have not understood this point: The Islamic Republic of Iran has a strong political structure with established political, economic, and social institutions," Araghchi said in an interview with Al Jazeera.
"The presence or absence of a single individual does not affect this structure."
His comments come after a series of assassinations during the US and Israeli war on Iran, which has decimated the upper ranks of Iran's political and military leadership.
The New Arab looks at who has been killed, who remains in power, and what this means for the survival of the Iranian system.
Who has been killed in the Iranian regime?
The most significant loss for Iran has been Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, who was killed in the opening wave of US-Israeli strikes. His death marked an instant and unprecedented escalation, striking at the symbolic and political centre of the Islamic Republic.
More recently, Ali Larijani, secretary of the Supreme National Security Council and one of the most influential figures in Iran’s governing structure, was killed in an Israeli airstrike. Larijani had been widely seen as a key strategist, particularly in the aftermath of Khamenei’s death.
Beyond these figures, the opening phase of the war is reported to have killed several senior military leaders, including Chief of Staff Abdolrahim Mousavi, IRGC commander Mohammad Bagheri, Defence Minister Aziz Nasirzadeh, and senior security official Ali Shamkhani. Dozens of additional commanders and security figures are also believed to have been killed
Taken together, the killings represent a clear attempt to degrade Iran's leadership through a decapitation strategy targeting both political and military command structures.
Who is still alive in the Iranian regime?
Despite these losses, Iran’s leadership structure remains largely intact, with key positions filled and institutions continuing to function.
At the top, Mojtaba Khamenei has been appointed as the new supreme leader, succeeding his father. His rapid elevation underscores the system's ability to replace even its highest authority during a time of war, although there are questions about his survival and health.
The country’s political leadership also remains in place.
President Masoud Pezeshkian, Parliament Speaker Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf, and Judiciary Chief Gholamhossein Mohseni Ejei continue to oversee the executive, legislative, and judicial branches, respectively.
Araghchi himself remains active as foreign minister, engaging in diplomacy and publicly articulating the government’s position as the war unfolds.
Within the military, continuity has also been maintained. Army chief Amir Hatami remains in his post, while commanders across the army and the IRGC continue to operate.
The Khatam al-Anbiya headquarters, responsible for coordinating military operations, is still functioning, and replacements have reportedly been appointed to key roles, including the defence ministry.
Crucially, Iran’s institutional framework remains untouched. Bodies such as the Guardian Council, the Assembly of Experts, and the Expediency Discernment Council continue to operate, reflecting the broader resilience of the state apparatus.
Can the Iranian regime survive?
Iranian officials argue that the continued survival of their regime lies in the structure of the system itself.
Araghchi’s remarks reflect a long-standing principle within the Islamic Republic: that power is embedded in institutions rather than concentrated in individuals. While senior figures play important roles, the system is designed to endure beyond any single leader.
This is reinforced by the speed with which key positions have been refilled and the apparent continuity of governance despite the scale of the losses. Military operations continue, diplomatic channels remain active, and there has been no clear breakdown in state authority.
Analysts also point to the layered and decentralised nature of Iran’s political and security structures. Authority is distributed across multiple institutions, networks, and chains of command, making it more difficult to cripple the system through targeted killings alone.
At the same time, the losses are significant. The killing of a supreme leader, senior military commanders, and top political figures would pose a severe challenge to any state, and the long-term impact on decision-making and coordination remains uncertain.
For now, however, the available evidence suggests that while Iran’s leadership has been shaken, it has not collapsed, and the system continues to function, even as the war intensifies and further escalations remain a real possibility.