Colonialism or death: Is Gaza facing a US-British-Israeli occupation with Trump's plan?

For two years, Gaza's Palestinian residents have lived under relentless Israeli bombardment, repeated displacement, and the constant shadow of death.

Now, as US President Donald Trump unveils a plan to "end the war," the besieged coastal enclave finds itself caught in yet another storm of debate.

Is the plan a window of hope for civilians weary of endless bloodshed, or simply a new face of occupation, designed by American, British, and Israeli actors and cloaked in international legitimacy? Many in Gaza seem to think so, but do they have any other choice?

In northern Gaza, Jamil al-Masri has reduced his life to little more than survival. "For two years, we have been living in very difficult conditions, as if it were endless suffering," he remarked to The New Arab.

"I lost my job since the beginning of the war, and my family has been displaced more than once. We've heard about the Trump plan, and I view it as the only viable solution available. We no longer have the energy or the ability to resist. We are tired of promises that go unfulfilled," he said.

Recently, Mohammed was forced to sell his furniture to provide dry bread for his four children. His voice trembled as he added, "Any initiative that stops displacement and restores some stability will be acceptable, even if it comes from Trump. I want my children to sleep safely."

In Khan Younis, pharmacist Humam Obaid is torn between rejection and resignation.

"The plan is unfair to the Palestinian people, but it is the only idea capable of stopping the bloodshed," he told TNA, saying, "I see patients every day searching for the simplest medicines, and I cannot provide them. If any plan comes along that guarantees the entry of medicine and stops the bombing, it would be an opportunity for me—but its results would be at the expense of the Palestinian people."

For Umm Ahmed, a displaced mother of seven living in a makeshift tent after fleeing Gaza City's Rimal neighbourhood, politics feels like a luxury.

"My children ask me every day when the war will end. I have no answer," she said. "I don't care about the name of the plan or who is behind it. What matters is that we return to our homes. So far, we have seen nothing to prove our lives will change."

"We hear about billions for reconstruction, but all we see is devastation. If the plan is sincere, let it build one house for us to believe," she added, with bitterness. 

Another displaced resident from Khan Younis, Zakaria al-Agha, echoed similar fears.

"Trump says he wants to end the war, but he is one of the reasons it has lasted so long," he said. "Every time we think the bombing will stop, new weapons arrive in Israel's hands. How can we trust a plan designed by the very man who armed our occupier?"

Intertwined political dimensions

Trump's plan, announced jointly with Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, calls for an immediate ceasefire and the release of Israeli prisoners within 72 hours.

The plan also envisions Gaza being overseen by a transitional committee of Palestinian technocrats and international experts, with Trump himself overseeing the process. Hamas would be entirely excluded from governance, according to the plan.

For some, this represents a practical way out. Palestinian Reham Owda argues the plan is "a practical and realistic solution to end the war and stop the bloodshed in Gaza."

"There is no other alternative capable of forcing Israel to stop the bombing. The support of Arab and Islamic countries, including Egypt, Qatar, and Turkey, gives the plan political legitimacy. Gulf states have pledged to rebuild Gaza, which blocks Israel's displacement project," she told TNA.

Other Palestinians argue that the deal is a trap.

Hani al-Masri, head of the Masarat Research Centre, told TNA that "the scenarios proposed by the plan range from bad to worse."

"The bad scenario means a cessation of the war and reconstruction under American supervision and Arab funding, with the withdrawal of Hamas and the disarmament of the resistance, which deepens the separation between Gaza and the occupied West Bank," he said.

"The worst scenario is the complete liquidation of the Palestinian cause through genocide, displacement, and resettlement in Gaza," he added.

However, he believes that "the best scenario, albeit unlikely, is a comprehensive national accord, an end to the war, and the formation of a unity government. But the Palestinian division makes this very unlikely now."

In Gaza itself, political researcher Tayseer Abed goes further, dubbing Trump's initiative "a quicksand plan" designed to swallow anyone betting on delay.

"All previous proposals, Hamas leaders would reject or amend, and then return to their homes to wait and dictate their terms on satellite channels. But this time, rejections or calls for amendments will not stop the plan. It will be implemented gradually, enforced by the Israeli army, which already controls nearly 80 per cent of the Strip," he told TNA.

Abed warned that relocating citizens to so-called "stabilised areas" would effectively strip the remaining 20 per cent of its territory, leaving residents exposed and vulnerable.

"This is shifting sands," he added. "Countries that once supported Hamas, Qatar, Egypt, and Turkey, are no longer standing with it. They now support a plan aimed at eliminating the movement."

He argued that Hamas faces a narrowing corridor of choices. "After Qatar's supportive stance for the plan, Hamas leaders have only a few days to decide: either agree and stay, or reject and leave. Otherwise, they will be pushed to Iran or Yemen under Houthi control."

 None of the paths is safe. Some lead to the movement's end, others drag all Gazans into destruction, according to Abed.

"This is the result of ignoring the voice of the people, relying on regional powers, monopolising decisions, and underestimating the power of national unity," he stressed.

Behind the numbers

The toll of Israel's genocidal war is staggering. According to the Palestinian Central Bureau of Statistics, Gaza's population in mid-2025 stood at about 2.11 million people, 10 per cent less than before the war, due to mass displacement inside and outside the enclave.

UN reports estimate that more than 95 per cent of Gazans have been displaced at least once since 2023, with hundreds of thousands crammed into overcrowded shelters lacking clean water, electricity, or sanitation.

For families like Khaled al-Shawa's in Khan Younis, numbers translate into unbearable realities.

"We live with 18 people in one classroom-turned-shelter. My children have skin diseases, and my wife is constantly sick. If the plan does not bring medicine and electricity, then it is nothing but words. We are living worse than animals," he told TNA.

Economist Nader Abu Daqqa said losses "exceed tens of billions of dollars," noting that more than 60 per cent of infrastructure has been destroyed.

"The economy has shrunk dramatically," he said, pointing out that Gaza's GDP has more than halved in just two years. "Any plan that does not guarantee economic reconstruction will fail to restore stability, even if it stops the war."

As the second anniversary of Israel's war approaches, Gaza's people are caught between two grim options: accepting Trump's plan with its painful concessions or rejecting it and risking the continuation of war.

For Mohammed al-Masri, Umm Ahmed, and thousands of other displaced people, such dilemmas feel detached from their daily desperation for bread, medicine, and safety. For analysts like Hani al-Masri and Tayseer Abed, the greater danger is that the plan may liquidate the Palestinian cause rather than save Gaza.

Between these competing visions, Gaza remains trapped in a cruel equation: seeking survival under international projects and regional calculations beyond its control. The question persists across the Gaza Strip's battered streets and shelters: will Trump's plan mark the beginning of the end of war, or the start of a new occupation?