In the chamber of the Syrian People's Assembly, where the country's new decision-makers gather, sits a woman carrying unbearable grief on her shoulders.
Her name is Fatima Al Youssef, and in 2017, she lost 25 members of her family in the Khan Sheikhoun chemical massacre, a loss that had a profound impact on her, leaving her with the memory of those she loved, the image of her martyred father, her wounded brother and the memory of the forced displacement she endured because of her revolutionary stance.
Now, years after surviving the attack, Fatima is one of 22 women who have entered Syria's first parliament since the fall of the former Syrian president Bashar al-Assad's regime.
Her presence, along with that of the other women appointed and elected, has raised questions about whether the new parliament reflects the role of women in Syrian society, or whether their limited representation marks a worrying setback.
On 1 July 2026, the head of the Higher Committee for Elections, Mohammad Taha Al-Ahmad, announced the names of the People's Assembly members appointed by Syrian President Ahmed Al-Sharaa.
The announcement completed the formation of Syria's first parliament since the fall of Assad's regime in December 2024.
The parliament was formed under a mechanism set out in the Constitutional Declaration.
Under this system, two-thirds of the members, 140 people, were elected through electoral bodies, while the president appointed the remaining third, 70 members, to ensure fair representation and competence.
However, the process was not completed nationwide.
The three seats allocated to Suweida province remained vacant because elections were not held there, bringing the final total to 207 members out of 210.
The formation of the new parliament has brought renewed attention to the role of women in Syria's political future.
While women make up roughly half of Syrian society, they hold only a small proportion of seats in the new assembly.
The final figures showed that women hold 22 of the 210 seats, representing just 10.48% of parliament. Seven women were selected through the electoral bodies, while Sharaa appointed 15 women to his list.
Turning pain into action
For Fatima, however, her place in parliament is not about simply filling a seat or providing symbolic representation.
"The era of symbolism is over; people have paid a heavy price," Fatima, who holds a degree in Arabic language and literature and has worked in education and humanitarian organisations supporting women's rights and child protection, tells The New Arab.
Her experience also includes working with the UN International Commission of Inquiry on issues relating to victims of chemical attacks.
Now, in her new parliamentary seat, she sees her role as a responsibility towards the 25 members of her family who were killed.
That sense of responsibility shapes how Fatima views her appointment through the presidential list.
"I do not believe in symbolic roles. Symbolism belonged to the past because Parliament was run from outside the chamber. Today, I see this as a responsibility rather than an honour. My role is not to sit and applaud. My role is to turn the pain I experienced as one of the survivors of the chemical massacre into laws that protect people and prevent such a tragedy from happening again," she says.
"My appointment by presidential decree is a commitment, and my success will be measured after my work is done. How many protection laws have been passed? How many families have received justice? That is the real impact."
For Fatima, that responsibility is closely connected to the issues facing Syrian women. She says her priorities "do not stem from slogans but from the painful reality," adding that "Syrian women have paid the highest price: displacement, loss, widowhood and poverty."
She identifies four urgent areas for action. Her first priority is "a law to protect against domestic violence and discrimination."
She continues, "We need comprehensive legislation criminalising all forms of physical, psychological and economic violence, establishing protection units in hospitals and police stations, and creating a hotline. A woman who survived war should not have to fear inside her own home."
Her second priority is "the economic and legal empowerment of women, including labour legislation guaranteeing equal pay, maternity protection, and preventing unfair dismissal because of marriage or pregnancy."
She also calls for simpler procedures that enable widows and female heads of household to obtain housing and inheritance rights. Alongside this, she wants support for small businesses run by displaced women and widows through interest-free loans.
Her third priority concerns women and transitional justice, an issue that is particularly personal to her because of her experience as a survivor of the chemical massacre.
"As one of the survivors of the chemical massacre, this issue is deeply personal for me. Female victims must be represented in documenting crimes, compensation and reconstruction. There can be no justice without the voice of the woman who carried the wound and today carries responsibility for her family," she explains.
Her fourth priority is "education and reproductive health, including returning girls who dropped out of school to the classroom; combating child marriage through strong legislation; and providing free healthcare for mothers and children, especially in affected areas."
For Fatima, these priorities are part of a wider demand for women to have a meaningful role in rebuilding Syria.
"I will not accept our role being merely symbolic. I want enforceable laws and real budgets because empowering women is not a luxury; it is half the road towards rebuilding the nation."
Building a new Syria
From Khan Sheikhoun to the halls of the University of Idlib, Dr Najwa Bahjat Qassas, who holds a doctorate in Arabic language and literature and previously served as deputy dean of the Faculty of Arts and Humanities, sees her appointment to the People's Assembly as an extension of her educational mission.
"My mission is one: building people and building the nation, because reconstruction begins with people. Education has always been, and will remain, the first path to renaissance," Dr Najwa tells The New Arab.
She speaks about Syria's exceptional transitional period: "I was appointed by the presidency, and discussions about the legitimacy of the parliament, representation and appointments are all exceptional because we are in a transitional and foundational phase for a legislative council after 60 years in which the parliament lacked both weight and purpose. Now the chapter of elections and appointments has closed, and the work of building has begun."
Expressing confidence in Syrian women's abilities, she says, "Syrian women possess the experience and high level of competence that make them essential partners in building the Syria we aspire to. They proved their capabilities during crises in the economy, education and humanitarian work."
Regarding her legislative priorities, Najwa calls for moving beyond a narrow focus on women's issues, encouraging women to engage fully in political life, participate in decision-making and contribute to all parliamentary committees.
On the question of appointments, she says, "The reason most of us were appointed may be that the electoral bodies were predominantly male, or because many qualified women were reluctant to enter politics during this transitional period."
She continues, "I see the future of women's representation in Syria as promising. There is active civil and political momentum towards including women, and the appointment of a woman to the office of the presidency within the People's Assembly is evidence of that.
"It reflects parliamentarians' recognition of the need for women's participation in decision-making and for complementarity within society. Most of the women who have reached parliament bring academic, social or political experience. They are not simply numbers but representation and responsibility expressed through their voices and work."
Women still face barriers
While female MPs appear united in their determination to prove themselves through their work, questions remain about whether appointing 15 women by presidential decision is enough to address the wider imbalance in representation.
For example, can one speak of a "new Syria" when women, who make up half of society, hold only around 10% of parliamentary seats?
These questions have prompted different perspectives from activists and experts, with some raising concerns about the current system and others focusing on practical solutions.
For civil society activist Ghalia Al Rahhal, presidential appointments can help address the immediate imbalance, but they cannot replace women's right to participate in elections and reach parliament through the will of voters.
"We do not reject appointing women as a temporary measure to correct the imbalance. However, appointments cannot replace women's right to stand, compete and reach parliament through the will of voters. Politically, an appointed woman remains linked to the authority that appointed her. What is needed is institutions that ensure women reach parliament as holders of rights and independent political actors, not as beneficiaries of power," Ghalia shares.
Ghalia notes that these concerns are part of a much wider set of barriers facing Syrian women who want to enter political life.
"The barriers are numerous and interconnected. Patriarchal culture still views politics as a male domain. Political parties and political life remain weak, direct elections are absent, financial resources are limited, and political violence, especially against women activists, persists. There are also the burdens of poverty, displacement and caring for families, alongside the exclusion of independent women's organisations with genuine community experience," she explains.
"Syrian women proved throughout the war that they could manage organisations and initiatives and work in humanitarian relief, documentation, peacebuilding, mediation, rights advocacy and conflict resolution. The problem is not a lack of experience or competence. The problem is closed political doors and rules that do not guarantee them an equal opportunity."
These barriers also raise questions about whether women's representation will be protected under Syria's permanent constitution.
When asked about the future of a women's quota, Ghalia says there is still no certainty that one will be adopted, adding: "We cannot say with certainty that a women's quota will be adopted. The transitional constitutional declaration acknowledged women's role but did not establish a clear, binding guarantee of their representation. Therefore, unless the constitution and electoral law include a mandatory quota of no less than 30%, this decline may continue."
For Ghalia, however, a quota would be only one part of a much broader political reform.
"A quota is not a privilege for women but a temporary measure to correct a historic imbalance and give women a genuine opportunity to enter politics. However, a quota alone is not enough. It must be accompanied by free elections, democratic political parties, protection for female candidates, fair campaign financing, and guarantees that women are partners in legislation, oversight and decision-making, rather than merely a number or a decorative image," she says.
Ghalia believes the current level of representation is not an achievement for the new Syria but a worrying regression.
"Women make up roughly half of society, yet they occupy only around one-tenth of the seats in the People's Assembly. This percentage is lower than women's representation in some Syrian councils before 2011 and below the average for the Middle East and North Africa, which itself remains below the global average," she says.
"Women currently hold about 10% of parliamentary seats, while the regional average stands at around 16.7% and the global average at 27.5%."
A seat is not enough
Judge Iman Shahoud approaches the issue from a legal perspective, arguing that the diversity of Syria's new parliament must go beyond "numbers" and "appearance" to produce meaningful policies.
Although women's representation has improved, she says it remains below expectations. She also argues that ethnic and religious diversity will have little value unless it is reflected in fair legislation that safeguards the interests of all Syrians.
Iman describes the presence of 22 female MPs as a positive but insufficient step. For her, what matters is not simply the number of women in parliament, but their ability to influence legislation and oversight through competence and independence rather than symbolic representation.
To improve women's representation, she proposes practical measures, including transparent criteria for selecting candidates, expanding women's participation in electoral bodies, investing in the political development of female leaders, and working gradually towards balanced representation that combines competence with fairness.
Iman also considers the diversity within the new parliament, including Kurdish members, Christians and women wearing the hijab, to reflect the reality of Syrian society.
However, she warns that this diversity will only be meaningful if it is accompanied by genuine participation in decision-making and translated into policies and legislation that represent everyone's interests without discrimination or exclusion.
Taken together, the views of the women inside and outside parliament point to a wider question about what representation will mean in the new Syria.
They believe that women's participation is not a political luxury, but a real test of the new state's commitment to justice and equality.
Syrian women have paid an enormous price throughout the years of war through loss, displacement, widowhood and poverty. For them, and for the country they are helping to rebuild, 22 seats out of 210 may not be enough.
Hadia Al Mansour is a freelance journalist from Syria who has written for Asharq Al-Awsat, Al-Monitor, SyriaUntold and Rising for Freedom Magazine