Israel and the Gaza Strip Since 1967: An archival examination of how Palestine became a laboratory for colonial policies

Since before 1967, Israel has dehumanised Gaza through its colonial policies, a pattern that Trude Strand’s book, Israel and the Gaza Strip Since 1967: A History of Occupation, Domination and Unilateralism (IB Tauris, 2026), traces to show how the territory has been central to Israel’s domestic and foreign policy. 

Based largely on archival research, the book situates Gaza’s present within a broader historical context, showing how Israel has exploited the territory to prevent the formation of a Palestinian state.

Two quotes from US Secretary of State Henry Kissinger and Israeli Minister of Defence Moshe Dayan succinctly capture Israel’s colonial approach and the way it links domestic policy to international diplomacy. “Israel has no foreign policy, only domestic politics,” Henry stated. Reflecting Kissinger’s words, Moshe commented: “Israel only has a defence policy.”

Trude emphasises how strong international allies reinforced Israel’s domestic policy, helping secure support for colonial expansion in Gaza. She writes: “Decisions related to Palestine – in the Gaza Strip or elsewhere – feed into the Palestinian, regional or international dynamic, just as they feed into or have their origins in the Israeli domestic political sphere.”

This interplay led to cycles of Israeli domestic policies rooted in colonial violence, often compelling the international community to acquiesce to Israeli demands. After 1967, the United States (US) ensured Israel maintained a military advantage. US military assistance – a key element of American foreign policy – became a major component supporting Israel’s domestic strategies.

Ethnic cleansing was central to the foundation of Israel. The earlier myths and subsequent atrocities of the Nakba were reiterated and reinforced by Israeli ministers following the 1967 war and subsequent occupation.

Forced transfer became Zionism’s preferred method of ethnic cleansing, presented under a supposedly humane guise to the international community in order to enable colonial expansion. By 1948, Gaza was hosting 27 percent of the Palestinian population, the majority of whom were refugees.

Trude notes that the presence of refugees in Gaza altered the territory’s demographics and prevented Israel from annexing it. Having not formulated a post-1967 policy for Gaza, the Israeli government declared ownership of Palestine “by right” but stopped short of annexation, partly due to demographic concerns. As a result, Gaza was marginalised within negotiation frameworks.

The UN Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees (UNRWA) became a key partner in Israel’s military occupation through the humanitarian paradigm, effectively absolving Israel of accountability and responsibility towards Gaza’s indigenous population. Trude observes: “UNRWA arguably constituted a cornerstone of Israel’s approach to normalisation in Gaza.”

While the concept of forced transfer failed to gain widespread international support, settlement expansion and economic deprivation faced little opposition. Annexation remained a long-term objective. Trude notes: “For territorial annexation to take place, the demographics of Gaza had to change.”

During the 1970s, Ariel Sharon argued that Jewish colonial settlements in Gaza would strengthen Israeli control and domination. The Nahal units – combined military and civilian structures – paved the way for civilian settlements. Through these settlements, Israel sought to influence Gaza’s economy and encourage emigration to reduce the local population in Gaza.

Israel further integrated Gaza into its system of economic dependency, including the use of work permits for Palestinians in Israel. This created an appearance of modernisation and inclusion for the international community.

Under this façade, Israel reinforced colonial surveillance and targeted Palestinian resistance, even though the CIA reported no significant threat to Israel’s existence. Israel continued to encourage emigration, though Palestinians largely resisted such plans.

In constructing its security narrative around Gaza, Israel treated it as distinct from the occupied West Bank – a differentiation that continues to this day. Settlement expansion became central to this security narrative, directly challenging the UN’s declaration that settlements held “no legal validity” and were an obstacle to peace.

Despite international consensus against settlement expansion, few repercussions followed, especially as the US gradually softened its stance, reducing opposition to the settlements.

When the Likud party came to power, securing Gaza through settlement expansion became a domestic priority. Trude cites Yigal Allon, architect of the Allon Plan, who described colonial settlements as “one of the greatest levers in our political struggle over the demarcation of defensible borders within the framework of a peace treaty.” However, Gaza never attracted a large influx of settlers, unlike the West Bank, frustrating Israel’s plans to consolidate control over the enclave.

Amid changes in the international political landscape, notably the US War on Terror and subsequent invasions for regime change under the banner of democracy, Israel attempted to draw parallels that cast the Palestinian anti-colonial struggle as terrorism. Ariel’s disengagement plan sparked anger among Gaza settlers and further fuelled colonial expansion in the West Bank.

Following Hamas’s electoral victory, Gaza’s perception as a separate entity was finalised. As the international community refused to engage diplomatically with Hamas, Israel tightened restrictions on Gaza, emphasised humanitarian aid to increase economic dependence, and defined its position towards the territory as a 'state of war'. The fragmentation of Gaza from the West Bank was not only geographical but also political, facilitating Israel’s continued aggressions, culminating in the Generals’ Plan, which revived the concept of forced transfer.

Trude’s book is particularly timely, illustrating how the dehumanisation of Palestinians in Gaza has become embedded in Israel’s domestic policy, often endorsed by the international community.

The book demonstrates that, contrary to Israel’s narrative of marginalising Gaza, the territory remains central to the Palestinian struggle and reflects Israel’s inability to complete its colonial project.

Ramona Wadi is an independent researcher, freelance journalist, book reviewer, and blogger specialising in the struggle for memory in Chile and Palestine, colonial violence, and the manipulation of international law

Follow her on X: @walzerscent