Reform, rights, and representation: MP Paula Yacoubian's vision for Lebanon's future and the 2026 elections

Reformist MP Paula Yacoubian, a former journalist turned independent lawmaker, first won her seat in the 2018 elections representing the Beirut I constituency, becoming the only civil-society candidate to break into a deeply sectarian system dominated by established parties.

The same political currents that saw Yacoubian elected led to the October 17 Revolution the following year.

Yacoubian first entered parliament on the Kuluna Watani (All for the Nation) coalition list, which brought together several emerging opposition groups, including the precursor networks that later formed Tahalof Watani.

Evolving from a coalition into a political party, Tahalof Watani became part of the broader Forces of Change bloc in 2022 — the umbrella under which Yacoubian and other October 17-aligned reformist MPs were elected.

With elections scheduled for May 2026, observers worry that the reformist bloc faces an increasingly apathetic electorate, hostile media, and a loss of momentum.

The New Arab sat down with Paula Yacoubian to discuss her political taboos, voter apathy, and the ongoing wrangling over the diaspora vote.

The New Arab: As a reformist MP, and apart from what you stand against, what do you stand for? What kind of reforms are we talking about?

Paula Yacoubian: We have clear positions on things that other parties consider political taboos. Politicians from the establishment parties avoid answering questions about things like human rights, decriminalising homosexuality, and women passing on their nationality to their children and so on. We have taken a clear position on each of these issues.

On the other hand, we are without a doubt against the Mafia state: in Lebanon, we don't have a government, and we don't have political parties. We are anti-establishment, anti-sectarianism, and anti-corruption.

Would you say that this represents a shared platform among Forces of Change candidates?

Yes, our policy platform represents most of the change movement's positions.

When we wrote the [Tahalof Watani] manifesto, many new parties were emerging, but over time, the profile of the change movement has changed.

Some people left, but most people stayed. Tahalof Watani used to be a coalition of various parties and groups, but we later became a political party. In fact, about 10 days ago, after nine years of waiting, we were finally officially recognised by the Ministry of Interior.

Observers worry that voters are suffering from apathy. What would tell voters that see no point in voting in the upcoming elections?

It's true that the Mafiosi who rule Lebanon — the banksters, politicians, and religious establishment — have maybe 95, 96 MPs whose seats are untouchable thanks to clientelism and sectarianism. I sometimes wonder, am I looking for a miracle?

Yes, I am looking for a miracle: something that will push people to the polls. The biggest party in Lebanon is that of those who say, "My vote doesn't matter, why would I go and vote?" Even if your vote doesn't result in your choice of candidate winning a parliament, at least you're making yourself heard. You're telling them: "I'm not happy and I don't like how you're governing my country."

But developing this sense of apathy among the Lebanese people is all part of the establishment's strategy. By spreading fear and uncertainty, the Mafia state pushes the idea through the establishment-controlled media that the choice is between them or chaos.

When people hear these things every day, it sows doubt in their minds, but under the rule of those same political parties, Lebanon has seen decades of chaos. The people who stand by us, who endorse us, are just normal people who want a normal country.

Earlier this year, you said, "The battle over expatriate votes is the mother of all battles in the upcoming elections." Given the back and forth between Speaker of Parliament Nabih Berri and the government over how the diaspora vote will be represented in the next parliament, how has your outlook on the Change movement's chances at the 2026 election changed?

The damage has been done. Instead of having maybe 300,000 Lebanese from the diaspora registered to vote, we're only at 150,000, compared to the 225,000 who voted in 2022. 

The movement needs to grow the number of seats in parliament to fight against sectarian and clientelist politics. The establishment parties were manipulative and smart, and their focus is to kill any movement that is not sectarian.

We're not a fully functioning democracy by any means, but we are a democracy. We still have ballots. Of 66 Change candidates in 2018, I was the only one to win a seat.

In 2022, the Change movement won 13. And people like me, who are against the whole system, against all the political parties, can still win seats.

You've always been a staunch advocate of women's participation in the political process and of the women's electoral quota. What are your hopes regarding women being elected to parliament next year?

We are eight women out of 128. Four of these women came on our list. The establishment parties put women on their list to improve their image, but they're not really giving women their full chance because they're sexist.

It's a patriarchal mindset, of course. And this is where the Change movement differs at every level. When it comes to human rights or women's rights: on each and every level.

Amid ongoing national debates over Lebanon's security governance and the role of non-state armed actors, you have repeatedly called for strengthening state authority. What's your position on the disarmament of non-state actors?

I'm not worried about the civil war; I'm worried more about another war with Israel. I've been calling Hezbollah since the start of the war in Gaza: "Please do not get involved."

Now, after the ceasefire, I've repeatedly asked them to give up their arms to the Lebanese army; if they don't, they will instead be taken by Netanyahu and the Israelis.

Hezbollah needs this to save Lebanon from another war, but also to save its own constituency. It was the Shia of the south who paid the highest price, with their houses, their belongings, their lives. This is the only way to protect their people.

On the other hand, it's not in Hezbollah’s hands; it's in Iran's hands. This is the problem, and it is a regional problem. We know that these arms were stockpiled under the eyes of the international community. They saw the arms coming from Syria, and they knew that Hezbollah was getting stronger and stronger, but they turned a blind eye.

Now, the international community must help. Whoever is talking to Iran, Lebanon should be a priority, so that we can build a state. We have to do our duty and be on the right side of history. We want a sovereign state.

In 2022, Wassef al-Haraki, a candidate from your Kuluna Watani list, was attacked in Borj el-Barajneh. Moreover, EU election observers said that thousands of cases of corruption, violence, and vote-rigging at polling stations had been recorded in 2022. Do you think that political violence is likely to return in the 2026 parliamentary elections?

I don't think so, no. They have other violent means, but not a violence that you can, you know, track. You won't see blood, but it will be very violent.

This interview has been edited for length and clarity

Jonathan Cole is an investigative journalist at The New Arab. He was previously a socioeconomic journalist in Beirut, Lebanon and a journalist in Bosnia. He holds an MSc in Modern Middle Eastern Studies from the University of Oxford and speaks Arabic, French, and Spanish