Syrian women still being held back in politics amid prevailing social norms and 'token measures'

On Sunday, 5 October, Syria held its first parliamentary elections since the fall of the Assad regime last year.

Despite concerns over inclusivity and repeated delays, the elections were seen by many as a step forward after decades of dictatorship — particularly for women — with Syria's interim president, Ahmed al-Sharaa, calling the parliamentary election "historic."

But despite women playing key roles in education, healthcare, relief work, and civil society — especially during the war when they took on significantly greater economic and social responsibilities — Syrian women’s political presence remains limited. This is mainly because politics is still viewed as a male domain.

Ahead of the vote, for example, a government decree allocating only 20 per cent of parliamentary seats to female representatives triggered widespread debate across both political and social circles.

While some described the move as a “token measure” that failed to reflect the scale of sacrifices made by Syrian women during the war — and those still being made as the country continues to face multiple crises — others viewed it as a necessary, temporary step towards addressing decades of marginalisation and exclusion.

In recent days, the discussion has brought a deeper issue into focus: the absence of the political will needed to broaden public participation in Syrian politics.

As it stands, female representation in previous parliamentary terms has often been symbolic rather than a sign of genuine progress, and the first results for Syria’s new parliament on 6 October show this has been repeated, with only six new lawmakers being women. 

Many critics argue that such representation has largely been cosmetic and a response to international pressure. 

At the same time, structural barriers continue to obstruct women’s access to decision-making positions. Restrictive laws, entrenched social norms, and a lack of institutional support all contribute to the ongoing exclusion of women from political power.

Lagging behind

When comparing Syria to neighbouring countries, the gender gap becomes even clearer.

Reports from civil society organisations show that female representation in the Syrian parliament remains lower than in several nearby states.

The UAE, for example, has the highest level of female representation at 50 per cent. Iraq stands at 28.9 per cent, and Egypt at 27.7 per cent.

These figures reveal that Syria not only lags behind regional averages, but also that there has been no serious effort to achieve equality or genuine empowerment within its political system.

This raises pressing questions: is a 20 per cent quota enough to shift the political landscape, or is it simply a way of reproducing the same reality under a different veneer?

Although the interim electoral system called for ensuring that women gained a minimum of 20 per cent representation in all parts of the electorate wherever possible, the actual figures fell short.

After the deadline for candidate registration, the head of the Supreme Committee for People's Assembly Elections, Mohammad Taha al-Ahmad, announced that women made up only 14 per cent of total candidates, with numbers varying between provinces.

This means there were around 220 female candidates, and at least 28 of them would need to win seats to meet the 20 per cent target, without any obligation on the committees to enforce it as a formal "women's quota" in the upcoming parliament.

Meanwhile, women's organisations continued to call for the international benchmark of at least 30 per cent female representation in parliament to be upheld.

'Not for women'

Speaking to The New Arab ahead of the elections, Najla al-Homsi, a parliamentary candidate from Rif Dimashq, said the decision to stand had not come easily.

“As soon as I announced it, I was met with a flood of criticism — even from those closest to me,” she said. “People told me politics wasn’t for women, that I belonged at home, or in sectors like education and nursing. Some tried to convince me that running would only bring me problems, and that I would ‘fail’ socially before I failed politically.”

Najla also spoke of the grim reality that women must make twice the effort to prove their suitability for candidacy, while men are assumed to be qualified by default.

“Still, I chose to persist,” Najla said. “I am convinced that women’s presence in parliament is not a luxury but a genuine necessity to represent half of society. My candidacy was itself an effort to break through fear and social pressure, even if I don’t win a seat.”

Elsewhere in Syria, some women opted not to run at all.

Asma Sarmeh, director of the Women and Children’s Empowerment and Rehabilitation Centre in Kafr Takharim, in north-west Syria, said she had considered standing for election, but ultimately decided against it because current legislation does not meet her aspirations.

“Throughout Syria’s political history, women have rarely had real or effective roles in governance — with a few exceptions,” she said. “There are no clear laws that guarantee or protect women’s political participation. The quota system, in reality, has only ever maintained tokenism and has pushed women further away from real political influence.”

Asma also pointed to cultural restrictions that continue to restrict women’s political engagement.

“Women face discrimination when trying to reach leadership positions, and they often lack the societal support to compete on equal footing,” she said. “In most cases, women cannot secure enough funding for election campaigns, which puts them at a major disadvantage compared to men.”

She called on the current authorities to "encourage Syrian women's participation by valuing their contributions and taking their suggestions and input seriously."

Commenting on the broader political context, legal expert Abdel Aziz Darwish said Syrian women's participation in politics and in the development of society across various fields “wasn’t the result of legislative progress, but rather of cultural evolution — a victory over outdated traditions, and a testament to the determination of Syrian women to contribute to the country’s development.”

On the question of women’s quotas in Syrian law, Abdel voiced his reservations.

“I don't think we need legislation that includes quotas, because quotas place restrictions on freedom of opinion and choice,” he said. “The Syrian people don't deserve restrictions after the tremendous sacrifices they've made over the past 50 years, especially during the war. Therefore, we must follow other methods to enhance women's participation, so it stems from genuine conviction.”

Political awakening needed

Meanwhile, political activist Ahmed Bakro believes the debate should move beyond quotas and focus on the wider question of meaningful participation.

“The issue isn’t really about the percentage,” Ahmed told The New Arab. “It’s about effectiveness, capabilities, and the space for action and influence. Therefore, as we all enter the realm of real political life, participation will naturally expand — for both women and men, as well as for society as a whole — when it comes to engaging in political life. This will develop cumulatively.”

Ahmed added that many women have already demonstrated the ability to lead effectively in their workplaces, showing both competence and confidence.

What’s needed now, he argued, is a willingness to trust them with greater responsibility and representation.

However, he says any genuine participation will require broad political reform, as real involvement by women in Syria’s political life will remain impossible while emergency conditions, martial law, and a lack of basic rights persist — “with women also bearing the brunt of life’s burdens.”

Abdel shares a similar view, adding that reform must go beyond the legal framework.

“Laws alone are not enough,” he said. “Syrian society needs a […] revival to encourage women's active and serious participation. It also requires constant dialogue through programmes organised by civil society organisations in tandem with the authorities.”

Until such reforms are implemented, women’s roles in Syrian politics are likely to remain limited — caught between symbolic legal texts and heavy societal pressures.

Until such reforms are achieved, women's presence in Syrian political life remains limited — caught between symbolic legal texts, intense social pressures, and the divide between those who see quotas as a constraint that undermines meaningful participation, and those who view them as a necessary step towards change.

Between these two perspectives lies a complex reality: despite proving their capabilities across many sectors, Syrian women still face a long journey before they can achieve fair and effective representation in political decision-making.

Hadia Al Mansour is a freelance journalist from Syria who has written for Asharq Al-Awsat, Al-Monitor, SyriaUntold, and Rising for Freedom Magazine

Article translated from Arabic by Rose Chacko