In a symbolic ceremony near Jasana Cave in Iraq’s Sulaimaniyah province on 11 July, 30 guerrilla fighters from the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK) set fire to their weapons - a gesture aimed at affirming their commitment to peace with the Turkish state after more than 40 years of armed conflict.
Held under tight security and attended by Iraqi and local Kurdish officials, as well as Kurdish leaders from Turkey, the event is seen by many observers as the PKK’s most serious step yet towards abandoning armed insurgency in favour of democratic struggle.
The key question now is whether this latest move can succeed where previous peace efforts failed. Can a group long designated a "terrorist organisation" by Turkey, the US, and the EU become politically rehabilitated?
The initiative builds on recent messages from PKK founder Abdullah Ocalan, imprisoned on Imrali Island. In February, Ocalan issued a call entitled "Peace and Democratic Society", urging the PKK to end its armed campaign. The group declared a unilateral ceasefire on 1 March, and on 12 May formally announced its organisational dissolution.
On 9 July, Ocalan appeared in a rare online video to declare the group’s armed struggle against Turkey over and called for a full transition to democratic politics.
Many analysts argue this renewed push for peace comes at a critical moment. While the PKK remains operational, it is significantly weaker than in decades past. Meanwhile, Kurdish communities across Turkey and the region are weary of violence.
Domestically, Ankara faces political turbulence and mounting regional pressure - conditions that could make reconciliation more attractive.
Legal reform and the role of Ocalan
"Yes, this peace process absolutely can end decades of war," said Kamal Chomani, a political analyst and PhD candidate at Leipzig University.
"Ocalan has already drawn a roadmap. At some point, even the Turkish state accepted it. This isn’t just a vision for the PKK; it’s a proposal for Turkey to democratise and resolve the Kurdish question through dialogue, not war."
Chomani emphasised Ocalan’s unique role as both the ideological leader of the PKK and a potential interlocutor with the Turkish state. "Without him, there’s no bridge between the two sides. If he’s allowed to speak, to lead and negotiate, the PKK can fully transition - from armed resistance to democratic struggle."
He argued that any meaningful transformation depends on Ankara’s willingness to pursue legal reforms. He pointed to the involvement of the Nationalist Movement Party (MHP), historically hostile to the PKK, as an indicator that some within Turkey’s establishment may favour peace.
Obstacles to trust and integration
Chomani warned, however, that the Turkish government’s vague and cautious posture could undermine the process. "The greatest obstacle is the ambiguous approach from the Turkish state. People want transparency. If the state is merely using this tactically - to weaken the Kurds while pretending to talk peace - the process will fail."
He also cited internal spoilers. Elements within the military, nationalist institutions, and some media outlets profit from continued conflict and could sabotage peace efforts. The reintegration of fighters into political and civilian life is another key challenge, he said, requiring security guarantees and an integration process.
"The PKK leadership needs assurances they’ll be safe if they rejoin society and politics. While Turkish society increasingly prefers peace, it has been taught hatred toward Kurds. Both sides must re-educate society around principles of democracy and coexistence."
Kurdish voices and expectations
Tara Hussein, a political observer in Iraqi Kurdistan, believes the new initiative reflects a broader Kurdish desire for democratic rather than military resistance.
"The process was initiated by leader Apo, who expressed readiness to do whatever is necessary for peace. The Kurdish nation never sought war - it fought to protect its existence. Now that this existence is recognised, there’s no need for continued armed struggle. We need democratic, parliamentary and constitutional struggle," she told The New Arab ahead of the ceremony.
She said the next step is Ankara’s to take. If Turkey fails to amend its constitution and laws to address Kurdish demands, Hussein warned, the peace window could close.
"If Kurdish rights are not safeguarded legally, other movements will emerge to fill the vacuum. The Kurdish nation will not be left defenceless."
Asked whether both sides truly want peace, she replied: "Certainly the Kurdish nation does, and it seems the Turkish state does too - but trust is lacking. The Kurds need to see practical steps from Ankara."
On Saturday, Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan announced the formation of a parliamentary committee to study the legal dimensions of the process. Speaking at his party’s 32nd Consultative and Evaluation Meeting, Erdogan acknowledged past state abuses - from forced displacement to cultural repression - and said these had fuelled the current crisis.
He estimated that the conflict had cost Turkey around two trillion dollars and called for a "new page" in national history. He urged unity among Turks, Kurds, and Arabs, warning that division could lead to collapse. Erdogan pledged to hold open parliamentary debates and engage "face to face, heart to heart".
What the PKK says
Zagros Hiwa, spokesperson for the Kurdistan Communities Union (KCK), which includes the PKK and is aligned with Ocalan’s ideology, told The New Arab in an interview in early July that the group’s historic move should not be confused with traditional disarmament.
"This is not laying down arms or disarmament," Hiwa wrote. "It signifies our determination to abandon military struggle and adopt democratic politics within Turkey. No weapons will be handed over, and no one will surrender. The fighters will destroy their arms and return to their bases to prepare for democratic integration. But this depends entirely on political will and legal reforms from the Turkish side."
The PKK and Turkish government have attempted peace several times before. In 1993, Ocalan - known to Kurds as Apo (Uncle) - declared a unilateral ceasefire and dropped demands for Kurdish independence. But then-Prime Minister Süleyman Demirel rejected dialogue, and the process collapsed.
A more sustained effort came in 2013, with another PKK ceasefire and partial withdrawal to Iraq. However, that initiative fell apart in 2015 due to mistrust, lack of legal reform, and resumed hostilities.
Bese Hozat, the PKK’s top female commander, said any peace process must involve Ocalan’s release from solitary confinement.
"Ensuring Leader Apo's physical freedom through legal guarantees is essential. He must be able to lead the process freely. This is our primary condition," she told AFP after the ceremony. "Without it, the process will almost certainly fail."
While the path ahead is fraught with uncertainty, many believe this may be the most realistic opportunity in years to end one of the region’s longest-running conflicts. With growing public support - especially among Kurds and a segment of Turkish society - the moment appears ripe.
Without legal reforms, institutional safeguards, and sustained political will, the fragile hopes now symbolised by a burnt pile of rifles in Sulaimaniyah risk being consumed by the very history they aim to overcome.
Dana Taib Menmy is The New Arab's Iraq Correspondent, writing on issues of politics, society, human rights, security, and minorities.
Follow him on Twitter: @danataibmenmy