After Suweida, Syria's formidable tribes prove they are force to be reckoned with

Months before the recent violence in Suweida erupted, Arab tribes and clans in Syria were already beginning a revival in the chaos and power vacuum that followed the fall of the Assad regime in December.

Many of these tribal chieftains, or sheikhs, in exile or expatriation for decades, flocked back from the Gulf and elsewhere to their homeland, seeking a foothold in the new Syria.

Upscale hotels were filled with older men in tribal attire sharing coffees and conversation with younger ones who had seen fighting in the weeks and years before, the latter’s long beards and military attire contrasting sharply with the tribal figures’ flowing white robes.

Since late December, The New Arab met with dozens of sheikhs and others from the tribes they claim to represent - both in the capital and in other parts of the country, from Suweida to Deir az-Zour - in an attempt to understand their visions of the country’s future and to what extent tribal affiliations continue to exert influence over the country’s population. These tribes are not only spread in almost every province of Syria, but have cross-border kin in Jordan, Palestine, Lebanon, and Iraq, willing to rush to their aid if needed.

While many Syrians stress that there are “thousands” of sheikhs across the country and that it is at times hard to understand who actually wields influence and who is instead simply seeking power, few doubt that tribes are a key component of the country and are likely to play a significant role in its future.

Many are also, as can be evinced from the fighting that began in mid-July in southern Syria, armed and prepared to fight at short notice.

Their formidable power - and alleged terrifying actions - came into sharp relief during the unrest in Syria’s southern province of Suweida, which triggered a reported mobilisation of over 100,000 tribal fighters within only a few days in mid-July. Though the fighting has since largely stopped, journalists have been barred from access in recent days, rendering it difficult to ascertain facts among numerous conflicting reports.

A 28 July UN press release noted that human rights violations in the fighting had been reported, with “disturbing footage circulated of extrajudicial executions, degrading treatment, desecration of corpses, looting and destruction of property, alongside widespread disinformation and sectarian incitement".

The violence erupted in mid-July 2025 after the abduction of a Druze merchant, which led to retaliatory attacks between Druze militias and Bedouin tribal elements living in the region. The immediate flare-up triggered cycles of revenge, property seizures, shelling, and direct confrontations, with both sides accused of atrocities against civilians, including execution-style killings and the burning and looting of homes

The Syrian government, on 31 July, issued a decree establishing a special investigative committee to look into the incidents in Suweida, tasking a committee with identifying those responsible for attacks on civilians.

Powerful 'old-new' actors

Haian Dukhan, a leading expert on tribes, told The New Arab on 26 July that tribes from across the country “emerged as powerful actors during the battle of Suweida – demonstrating that the state can mobilise them in times of political crisis”.

“What happened in Suweida should send a clear message to the Syrian Democratic Forces: tribes are not neutral actors,” he added about Kurdish-controlled Arab majority areas in eastern Syria, “and, in any future confrontation with the central government, they could be used against them. The government is already leveraging its ties with Arab tribes in the northeast to challenge SDF authority and strengthen its bargaining position.”

One sheikh from northeastern Syria interviewed by The New Arab earlier this year, Sheikh Faraj Hammoud from the Bu Shaaban tribe, stressed the role of guarantor that tribal leaders and especially those with a history of supporting the revolution, have for the population.

“All the revolutionaries know me, from Daraa to Qamishli. I have a good reputation. I am a man of my word,” the sheikh claimed to The New Arab in discussing why tribal figures can act as a mediating force within society, adding that his tribe is the largest in Syria. He said the new government “is seeking justice - not revenge” and should be supported.

Mudar Hamad al-Asaad, the head of Syria’s Supreme Council of Tribes and Clans, noted to The New Arab in an interview that the council he leads “was formed in 2013 in liberated areas” to “work on civil peace, with people using the council to resolve issues and conflicts”.

“We also worked hard to ensure that problems did not arise between the different sects in the country, he added, claiming that “75% of Syria is from tribes - even people who live in Damascus have their origins in tribes as well, and we worked to push the Assad regime out of many areas of Syria.”

Following the recent violence in Suweida, Asaad told media outlets that over 150,000 tribesmen had taken part in the country-wide mobilization in an attempt to get all weapons and parts of the country under state control, claiming that “remnants of the Assad regime, PKK elements, and arms and narcotics traffickers” were instead trying to exploit a chaotic situation.

Chance to regain influence after Assad's 'clientelism'

For some tribal leaders, having taken part in the mobilisation is also a point of pride after many years of being away. On 27 July, a sheikh from Hasakah who had been living in Europe until the Assad regime was toppled in December approached the author near the Syrian defence ministry, heavily damaged by a 16 July Israeli attack.

Whipping out his phone, he scrolled through photos of himself “defending his country”: first in 2013 against the Assad regime and then doing the same in the south these days, against “separatists and Israel-backed gangs”.

Many tribal leaders have expressed the hope that they will play a greater role in the coming years compared with the past.

One sheikh from the Shaitat tribe, who, after the 2014 uprising against the Islamic State (IS) by his tribe and the subsequent massacre, told The New Arab that he had gone to regime-held areas and got support from “the Russians but never the Iranians” to fight IS.

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He claimed he and his men had “only fought IS” as the latter had killed “over 2,000” young men from his tribe, adding that he had, since 2016, served as a member of parliament.

In a 2014 paper, the tribal expert Dukhan wrote: “Although tribalism was considered by government and party officials as one of the major ills of pre-Ba’thist Syria, Hafez al-Assad showed an unusual degree of flexibility in his policies towards the tribes. He chose a strategy, in authoritarian fashion, based on creating a system of clientelism between his regime and influential tribal sheikhs.”

“Under the Assads,” Dukhan added to The New Arab on 26 July, “tribes were co-opted through patronage and had limited political agency. But they played a key role in the Syrian revolution, particularly in the south and east”.

“Since the fall of the regime, tribes have re-emerged as powerful actors. With the collapse of central authority, many have asserted control over local areas and feel more empowered, especially as some now have strong connections with figures in the new government.”

 'Inclusive' future for the new Syria?

Sheikh Rakan Khedeir from southern Syria, a businessman and the former head of Jaish Ahrar al-Ashair (Free Clansmen Army), told The New Arab in an interview earlier this year that, in his opinion, Syria should look to Saudi Arabia as a good example for tribal inclusion.

Khedeir, who is currently the head of the Southern Syrian Tribal Gathering, has made statements to the press in recent days claiming that over 2,000 tribal members are being held by Druze militants under Sheikh Hikmat al-Hijri in Swaida and that “we have documented the rape of women by these groups”. The sheikh stressed that the top priority of the tribal gathering was to liberate those “taken hostage” and “avoid being drawn into strife”.

As to whether women could ever be given leadership positions within the tribes, Khedeir noted to The New Arab in the interview earlier this year that “it is not accepted to have women in leadership positions, as leadership goes from father to son,” but “we are not close-minded people”.

“We have important women” within the tribes, he noted, “but we cannot give leadership to them.”

In relation to what seems an ever-diminishing space for women decision-makers in Syria and what sort of effect a greater role for tribal leaders might have on this, Dukhan cautioned that “close state-tribal alliances could risk reinforcing patriarchal norms if traditional customs are used to shape local governance. Women may face restrictions on mobility, representation, and access to justice.”

However, he added, “tribal identity is generally less rigid and less exclusionary than conservative Islamist ideologies. In some areas, women from tribal backgrounds have begun to engage more actively in local affairs, using tribal networks to advocate for inclusion and challenge restrictive norms.”

Shelly Kittleson is a journalist specialising in the Middle East and Afghanistan. Her work has been published in several international, US, and Italian media outlets.

Follow her on X: @shellykittleson