Is six months enough to train Syria's new army?

Military observers within Syria are sharply divided over whether the country’s new army can produce competent soldiers in just six months - a debate that erupted after 3,000 fighters from the 76th Division graduated from the Military Academy in Aleppo in early July.

The ceremony, the first of its kind under the new administration, featured a military parade with displays of infantry, armoured vehicles, helicopters, and drones, along with airborne landing operations designed to demonstrate readiness and proficiency in handling various combat scenarios, according to local media.

The display left positive impressions on many supporters of the Syrian revolution and the new administration, who saw it as an army that represents them, far removed from the corruption-riddled force that bombed and displaced civilians for more than a decade.

However, critics were more sceptical about the graduating class, arguing that the training period was insufficient and warning of the potential threat posed by foreign fighters and extremists joining the ranks.

Colonel Abdul Jabbar Akidi, a Syrian military and strategic expert, told The New Arab that this particular graduation was for a class of entry-level fighters, formerly referred to as “conscripts” before mandatory military service was abolished.

“This means that these graduates are neither officers nor non-commissioned officers,” he added. “The training period was accordingly adequate, especially since most of these fighters are not recruits but have previously engaged in combat for several years.”

Akidi also acknowledged that future officer training programs would need to be more rigorous, noting that “Syria is trying to establish a professional army without mandatory conscription,” and that officer courses would typically span four to five years. Still, he said, Syria’s unique circumstances warrant a degree of flexibility.

"We are in a building phase where this duration can be shortened somewhat, especially since everyone has experience, having participated in numerous battles and become skilled in using heavy and light weapons," he said.

Retired Brigadier General Haitham Hassoun, a Syrian strategic expert, agreed with Akidi, adding that the tasks assigned to this division fall more within the realm of security than traditional military operations. This is because the graduates were trained primarily as light weapons operators and machine gunners.

Speaking to The New Arab in an interview, he stated that the new administration is currently working to secure ground forces due to the absence of a standing army.

“The current reliance is on undisciplined and irregular armed groups,” he said. “We need to rebuild a new military system based on a well-trained, loyal national army that adheres to international standards of professionalism and accountability.”

The integration dilemma

After Bashar Al-Assad fled to Moscow in December of last year, the Syrian army fell apart, leaving the country without standing military forces.

Military units and soldiers abandoned their weapons and fled, while the Israeli military launched more than 300 airstrikes on various military targets, including Syrian air force bases, destroying entire squadrons of MiG and Sukhoi aircraft, according to Israeli and Western intelligence sources.

The Israeli military claimed that it targeted advanced weapons that Israel feared would fall into the hands of hostile elements, including Hezbollah, estimating that more than 70 percent of the strategic military capabilities of Assad's former regime were destroyed.

Faced with this vacuum in a country containing dozens of armed factions, Syria's transitional president, Ahmed Al-Sharaa, confirmed earlier this year that he would work to establish a new "national army" incorporating all opposition factions after their dissolution, disarmament, and integration.

He announced that Hayat Tahrir al-Sham (HTS), the group he led during the Syrian revolution, would be the first to declare its dissolution.

But observers believe that the new administration is in “a very delicate position” given the different affiliations and ideologies of each of these factions. These challenges, according to Hassoun, far outweigh the current reintegration efforts.

“The current reintegration is not one in the traditional sense,” he told The New Arab. “It does not look to create a unified body of fighters,” noting that “ideologically and intellectually, these are fundamentally heterogeneous groups.”

Another pressing issue is the absence of qualified senior officers. While many current leaders are “undoubtedly skilled fighters,” they lack the academic and scientific training necessary to build a professional army, he added.

“Most have not studied the principles of military organisation in formal academies and therefore lack the theoretical foundation required for effective force development,” he told The New Arab.

The question of foreign fighters

In addition to Syrian factions, large numbers of foreign fighters are present in the country, having previously posed an obstacle to negotiations with the international community.

Estimates suggest their numbers are around 5,000, originating from East Turkestan Uyghurs, Chechnya, some Arab countries, and others.

The country has developed a plan for approximately 3,500 foreign fighters, mostly Uyghurs, to join a newly formed unit, the 84th Division of the Syrian Army, which will also include Syrians.

Despite initial US resistance to this issue and its insistence on multiple occasions for their exclusion, matters changed suddenly following President Donald Trump's Middle East tour and his meeting with Al-Sharaa in Riyadh.

Thomas Barrack, Trump's envoy to Syria, announced that the United States agreed to a plan proposed by Syria's new leadership to allow thousands of foreign fighters, who were previously part of the opposition, to join the national army, provided this is done transparently.

Major General Mohammed Abbas, a military political expert and former deputy director of the Higher Military Academy in Syria, noted that foreign elements represent “a very dangerous” and difficult aspect for leadership, despite claims that these individuals are trustworthy and capable of defending Syrian identity.

"Where are the Syrian nationals in these formations? Can we rely on thousands of soldiers from outside Syria to form the core of military leadership and Syrian army formation units at the expense of hundreds of thousands who were excluded, many of whom have not stained their hands with blood?” He asked, adding that it would be an “injustice” to call all former army members criminals.

Political researcher Hossam Taleb echoed concerns that many of the foreign fighters who supported the opposition in its decade-long war against Assad’s regime are, in fact, “extremists”.

Abbas agreed, noting that these individuals, mostly members of factions that operated in Idlib before the regime’s collapse, pose a significant challenge for the new administration and could complicate efforts to build a unified Syrian army.

“Opposition fighters who spent more than 14 years battling the regime now form the backbone of the army,” he said. “But building a national military cannot rely solely on them.”

Regarding officers who defected from Assad's army, Taleb explained that most left Syria more than ten years ago and settled in various countries. Some have forgone military work, while others have become military analysts seen on television screens.

“The ongoing consultations with groups in Suweida and the Syrian Democratic Forces show that the new army aims to include all Syrians,” he said.

“The state should continue pursuing such efforts to ensure the formation of a truly national and inclusive army.”

This article is published in collaboration with Egab